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§ 618.Monarchy of July; Advent of Louis-Napoleon

19th century:
§618. Monarchy of July and Advent of Louis-Napoleon (1830; 1848; 1859): VI-16.

VI-16:
That which shall be carried away from the young Milve,
By the Normans of France & Picardy:
The king and the prince of the temple in the place of Negresilve
Shall lodge and fire in Lombardy.


(Ce que ravy sera du jeune Milve,
Par les Normans de France & Picardie:
Les noirs du temple du lieu de Negresilve
Feront aulberge & feu de Lombardie.)

Keys to the reading:
Ce que: = Ce qui;

Milve: Lat. mīluus, faucon (falcon, hawk) (TanakaH). Cf. §45,V-45: nez de milve (a nose of a falcon);

The young Milve: The young falcon named Milve = §602, IV-85: aubereau (= hobereau, a small falcon: ) = §601, IX-35: le Myrmidon (a child of miracle as a Myrmidon, a human being transformed from an ant) = the duke of Bordeaux born in 1820 (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.12-13) ;

the Normans of France & Picardy: the d'Orleans, whose domain of family is found at Eu, the only city of Normandy and Picardy (Torné-Chavigny, id.);

Les noirs: the kings. Cf. §602, IV-85: The white carbon of the black: the legitimate king (= the duke of Angoulême) of the king (= Charles X), Black (Noir) and Carbon (= Black) meaning King (Noir = an anagram of Roi leaving N) and White (= the white flag of the French royal family) the legitimacy (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.257);

the temple: = mostly means France in Nostradamus (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.13). Cf. §635,VIII-53;

Negresilve: la Forêt-Noire (the Black Forest) (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.14). Cf. §45,V-45: silve: Silvestrie, forêt (Godefroy).

the place of Negresilve: Arenenberg in Thurgau, Switzerland, at the south shore of the lake of Untersee, source of the Rhine. This district is situated at the south-east border of the Black Forest.

The king of the temple (= of France) in the place of Negresilve: Louis-Napoleon, who named Arenenberg, where his mother, the exiled Hortense de Beauharnais, the daughter of ex-Empress Josephine and spouse of Louis Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon Ist, had bought her residence in 1817, his second fatherland (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.12);

aulberge: = auberge (inn), « l » being recovered sometimes in the 16th century by law clerks (basochiens), notwithstanding the finished transliteration of the « l » (cf. Italian « albergo » ) into the French « u » (cf. Lemesurier, 1997, p.101; Brunot & Bruneau, p.18-19). But it is more true that the word auberge comes from héberger (to lodge, to camp, in speaking of an army) (Bloch & Wartburg).

Summary:
The reign of France having been carried away from a child named Milve (hawk) by the d'Orleans, whose domain of family is found at Eu, the only city of Normandy and Picardy, the new sovereign Louis-Napoleon with his prince, who named Arenenberg near the Black Forest, where was his private domain while in exile, his second fatherland, shall lodge his expedition in Lombardy and fire there, in order to support the unification movement of Italy conducted by Sardinia (cf. §619, IX-5).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 619.Louis-Napoleon, a second Bonaparte

19th century:
§619. Louis-Napoleon, a second Bonaparte (1852-1861): IX-5.

IX-5:
The third toe of the foot shall resemble the big:
To a new monarch high from beneath,
Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca Turin,
And correct the default of his precedent.


(Tiers doit du pied au premier semblera:
A un nouveau monarque de bas hault
Qui Pyse & Lucques Tyram occupera
Du precedant corriger le default.)

Keys to the reading:
The third toe of the foot: Louis-Napoleon (1808-1873), Napoleon III, the foot representing a family of mere citizens;

the big: = the big or great toe = Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), Napoleon I, the second toe being to be identified with his son Napoleon François Charles Joseph (1811-1832), Napoleon II;

Pisa and Lucca: These indicate the grand duchy of Tuscany, Lucca being incorporated in it in 1847 (Duby, 2008, p.168).

Turin: The capital of the kingdom of Sardinia, then of unified Italy in 1861.

Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca Turin: The grammatical irregularity of the verse indicates a congregation of three sentences: a) Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca; b) Turin shall occupy Pisa and Lucca; and c) Who shall occupy Turin.

a) Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca: This signifies, with b), the occupation of Tuscany and its incorporation in the kingdom of Sadinia by Cavour (1810-1861) allied with Napoleon III against Austria, its real existent ruler;

b) Turin shall occupy Pisa and Lucca: This signifies, with a), the occupation of Tuscany and its incorporation in the kingdom of Sardinia by Cavour, its dominant leader allied with Napoleon III;

c) Who shall occupy Turin: This signifies the dominancy of Napoleon III over Cavour;

his precedent: = Napoleon I, according to the verse 1.

correct the default of his precedent: «He [Napoleon the third] shall wage war in Italy, but to correct the failure of his uncle. He shall say: " The Empire, it is the peace. " » (Nicoullaud, 1914, p.194).

Summary:
Louis-Napoleon, Napoleon III [the third toe of the foot], resembles Napoleon I, the great toe of the family, in pursuing a rapid and remarkable promotion in their political life, starting with a mere citizen to attain the imperial supremacy.

Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca Turin: « As Russia was pressing on Turkey, so Austria was pressing on Italy. She had played an equivocal part during the Crimean War [1853-1856], whilst the kingdom of Sardinia, the only independent and constitutional state in Italy, had not feared to join her young army to the Anglo-French troops. This circumstance had made France the natural protectress of Piedmont, and by consequence of Italy, of which this little kingdom was the last citadel. Thus when the emperor of Austria, Francis Joseph, in defiance of European diplomacy, passed the Ticino as the emperor Nicholas had passed the Pruth, France once more found herself face to face with this new aggressor and on the side of the oppressed. In this war the emperor Napoleon resumed the secular policy of France, which consists in not suffering the preponderance of Austria or Germany in Italy - that is to say, on the French southeastern frontier. A French army reappeared on that soil where three centuries before the arms of France had left so many glorious traces. Europe looked on with keen attention; England as a well-wisher, Russia and Prussia amazed. Austria and France were left alone facing each other. The war lasted scarcely two months.

« After the brilliant affair of Montebello, which defeated an attempted surprise on the part of the Austrians, the Franco-Piedmontese army concentrated round Alessandria; then by a bold and skilful movement turned the right of the Austrians, who had already passed the Ticino, and compelled them to recross that river. Caught between the army corps of General MacMahon and the guard at Magenta, the Austrians lost 7,000 killed or wounded and 8,000 prisoners (June 4th [1859]). Two days later the French regiments entered Milan. The enemy, astounded at so rude a shock, abandoned his first line of defence, where, however, he had long been accumulating powerful means of action and resistance. He retired on the Adda, after vainly making a momentary stand at the already famous town of Marignano and on the Mincio, behind the illustrious plains of Castiglione and between the two fortresses of Peschiera and Mantua; then he took up his position, backed by the great city of Verona as an impregnable base. The emperor of Austria, with a new general and considerable reinforcements, had arrived there to await the French army.

« The Austrians had long studied this battlefield; there were 160,000 of them ranged on the heights with their centre at the village and tower of Solferino, and ready to descend on the French in the plain. Napoleon III had scarcely 140,000 men available, and was obliged to fight on a line extending over five leagues. Whilst the right wing was struggling against the enemy in the plain in order to prevent itself from being turned, and King Victor Emmanuel with his Piedmontese was bravely resisting on the left, the centre delivered a vigorous attack, and after a heroic struggle successively carried Mount Fenile, the mount of the cypresses, and finally the village of Solferino. The enemy's line was broken; his reserves, before they could come into action, were attained by the balls from the new rifled cannon of the French. All fled in frightful confusion; but a fearful storm, accompanied by hail and torrents of rain, stopped the victors and permitted the Austrians to recross the Mincio; they left twenty-five thousand men put out of action. In the evening the emperor Napoleon took up his headquarters in the very room which Francis Joseph had occupied in the morning (June 24th). Twice a conqueror, the emperor suddenly offered peace to his enemy. Italy was freed, although a portion of Italian territory, namely Venetia, still remained in the hands of Austria.

« Europe, bewildered by these rapid victories, allowed her awakening jealousy to appear. The emperor thought he had done enough for Italy by pushing Austria, so recently established on the banks of the Ticino, back behind the Mincio, and at Villafranca he signed with Francis Joseph a peace, the principal conditions of which were confirmed at the end of the year by the Treaty of Zurich. By this peace Austria resigned Lombardy, which France added to Piedmont that she might make for herself a faithful ally beyond the Alps. The Mincio became the boundary of Austria in the peninsula, where the various states were to form a great confederation under the presidency of the pope. But all those concerned rejected this plan, and the revolutionary movement continued. The emperor confined himself to preventing Austria from intervening. Then those governments of Parma, Modena, the Roman legations, Tuscany and Naples, which ever since 1814 had been merely lieutenants of Austria, were seen to fall to pieces successively, and Italy, minus Venice and Rome, was about to form a single kingdom, when the emperor thought himself called upon to take a precaution necessary to the security of France; he claimed the price of the assistance he had given and by the Treaty of Turin, March 24th, 1860, obtained the cession to himself of Savoy and the county of Nice, which added three departments to France and carried her southern frontier to the summit of the Alps.» (HH, XIII, p.135-137).

And correct the default of his precedent: « For the first time since 1815 France, not by force and surprise but as the result of a great service rendered to a friendly nation, by pacific agreement, and according to the solemn vote of the inhabitants, had overstepped the limits traced round her at the period of her reverses. Europe dared not protest.» (HH, XIII, p.137).

Discussion:
Le Pelletier (I, p.280), followed by Ionescu (1976, p.364), interprets the verse 2 as follows: « This prince [Louis-Napoleon], the same as he who shall have directed in his youth (in 1831) the revolutionary movement of Tuscany (Pisa and Lucca)...».

But, this is not pertinent to the verse, for in 1831 Lucca is not yet annexed to Tuscany. And his citation of a history runs as follows: « Louis Bonaparte was in Florence with his elder brother Charles Bonaparte, in 1831, when burst the troubles of Romagna. He armed hastily a corps of Italian partisans, and, provided with a cannon that he himself had adjusted, ran into the pontifical states in order to seize Civita-Castellana», but he did not succeed in his enterprise (Gallix and Guy, 1853, p.26).

So, this history does not agree with the verse to the effect that: Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca. In fact he did not try to seize Tuscany (Pisa and Lucca), but to seize Civita-Castellana in the pontifical states, and he was in Tuscany (Florence) and did not occupy it.

Moreover, according to Le Pelletier and Ionescu, Tyram means tyran (tyrant), but their text: « Qui Pyse et Luques tyran occupera (Who shall occupy Pisa and Lucca tyrant) » cannot signify anything reasonable ! And we may refer to the statistics of the uses of the words: Turin and tyran[t] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus.

Turin in its 8 examples in all is always thus spelled, with the capital initial, and 6 of them have with them other Italian cities, such as Verseil, Foussan, Ferrare, Pise, Ast, Savone, Milan, etc. The other 2 examples have a preposition of place, such as à (at) or dedans (within).

The tyran[t] in its 7 usages of 10 in all has such an orthography with the definite article in masculine singular and one in the plural has an adjective in the plural (II-16), and one of the other 2 examples at the biginning of a sentence is Tyran (IV-55), another Tiran (VIII-90), these being to be considered in its context as a common noun: tyrant.

But, the word Tyram, unique in the Prophecies, with its two precedents: Pisa and Lucca, is most likely to be the name of an Italian city, Turin.
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 620.Napoleon I, Napoleon II and Napoleon III

19th century:
§620. Napoleon I, Napoleon II (1811-1832) and Napoleon III: VIII-32.

VIII-32:
Beware of your nephew, King of Gaul,
Who shall do so much whilst your unique son
Shall be bruised by making a vow to Venus,
Being accompanied with the night only nine in number.


(Garde toy roy Gaulois de ton nepveu
Qui fera tant que ton unique filz.
Sera meurtry à Venus faisant vœu,
Accompaigné de nuict que trois & six.)

Keys to the reading:
your nephew: Charles-Louis-Napoleon (1808-1873), Napoleon III, son of Louis Bonaparte (1778-1846), younger brother of Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821);

King of Gaul: Napoleon I, the other two mentions of King of Gaul (II-69, IV-54) referring to the same;

whilst: The French que (verse 2) is a conjunction of time (while, whilst);

your unique son: Napoleon François Charles Joseph (1811-1832), Napoleon II. «According to the Memorial of St. Helena, Napoleon had several children, but he recognized only one of them, his legitimate child» (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.175);

bruised (meurtry): meurtry in its 31 usages in the Prophecies having three different senses, the first is murdered (21 times), the second hurt (once in IV-69) and the third bruised (9 times including this case);

only: The French que (verse 4) is a conjunction of emphasis (only, but);

trois & six: 3 + 6 = 9;

nuict que trois & six: the night only nine in number, signifing «a very short time» (Torné-Chavigny, id.);

Shall be bruised by making a vow to Venus, Being accompanied with the night only nine in number: He abandoned himself to sensual and social pleasures (the night) only for a while to have realized his true aspiration of politico-military nature bequeathed him by his heroic father.

Summary:
The duke of Reichstadt: « The July revolution of 1830 by expelling the Bourbons from the throne of France had not failed to revive a party whose interests were bound up with the Napoleonic dynasty represented by Napoleon's young son, once king of Rome, now duke of Reichstadt, who had been brought up at the court of his grandfather the Austrian emperor. The Bonapartist schemes increased in cunning in proportion to the condemnation with which they were viewed by public opinion and in official circles. As the direct and more open way did not lead to the desired goal, the schemers engageed in the devious and intriguing ways of secrecy. The Austrian cabinet having refused to surrender the duke of Reichstadt to the apostles of the Empire, they endeavoured more boldly and imprudently to allure him away and abduct him. He was constantly found surrounded by prowling individuals who had never belonged to his entourage before; he was ever more and more urgently pressed to escape to France or Italy with the help of the agents and to place himself at the head of an adventurous enterprise.

« There is no doubt that ambitious and daring members of the Bonaparte family secretly held the threads of this intrigue. The most venturesome was the countess Napoleone Camerata, niece of the emperor Napoleon, daughter of his eldest sister, the princess Elisa Bacciochi. She, of all the relations of the emperor, most resembled him in features and in her whole nature. She possessed the most fabulously lively fancy, she was energy itself; she was also a past mistress of manly accomplishments, such as riding and the handling of weapons. Weary of her weak and sanctimonious husband, for a long time she led a restless, wandering life until the July revolution, reviving dynastic hopes, induced her to go to Vienna. There she took up her quarters for several weeks in the Karnthner Strasse, and endeavoured by means of a secret correspondence to rouse her cousin, the duke of Reichstadt. She begged him not to act as an Austrian archduke, but rather as a French prince and a man. She adjured him in memory of the terrible torments to which the European sovereigns had condemned his father, in consideration of the long death agony of the exile, by which he was made to expiate the crime of having acted too magnanimously towards them, to bear in mind that he was his son, and that his father's dying gaze had been fixed upon his portrait.

« The duke of Reichstadt did not enter into all these challenges, on the contrary he kept to the following statement: " I cannot return to France as an adventurer! Let the nation elect me and I will find means to succeed." But in his soul he suffered real torture, the outward signs of which were visible to all his entourage, but the nature of which was only partially revealed to two persons, the prince of Dietrichstein and Prokesch von Osten. To the former the duke turned of his own free will in order to take counsel with him, the well-known, unbounded admirer of Napoleon, and to receive comfort from him in his heart's distress.» (HH, XIV, p.589-590)

« Prokesch von Osten found the duke at this time, " sad, thoughtful, and distrait.'' He often noticed in the middle of a conversation " that under the appearance of outward calm he was a prey to a continual inward agitation of extraordinary violence. The inclination to seclude himself from everyone, and to treat the outer world with distrust and bitter prejudice became more and more apparent in the duke. He conversed often exhaustively with Prokesch concerning the future of France; and expressed his conviction that she would henceforth be subjected to great changes which would powerfully affect Europe. The warlike preparations occasioned in Austria as well as everywhere else by the July revolution, formed another topic of conversation. The duke betrayed a passionate desire, should war really break out, to take an active part in it. " But," he said to Prokesch, " to take part in an offensive war against France! How could I do it, what would everyone think of me? " He added, with evident pain, " I would take up arms only should France attack Austria." But immediately after seized by fresh doubts he continued in a troubled voice, "And yet no! my father's will clearly lays down my duty, and this command shall guide my actions throughout my life." He was referring to the words of the testament of April 15, 1821: " I command my son never to forget that he was born a French prince, he shall never fight against France in any way or do her an injury."» (HH, XIV, p.590-591)

« In the meanwhile the outward condition of the prince reached a crisis. Since the July revolution, he had had no more ardent wish, than to be able to rejoin his regiment in Prague. Did he then find Vienna such a gloomy place ? Was he more oppressed than ever by the feeling of unbearable dependence at a time of such powerful excitement ? And did he really believe, as he frankly confessed to Baron Prokesch, that in that desired change lay the way to his emancipation, the means of attaining at last the complete exercise of his will ? Not only Prokesch, however, but Metternich and even the emperor, looked upon such a change of condition in those disturbed times as a false kind of emancipation. Even if at first they had hesitated to carry out the earlier plan, it was certain that at the beginning of September, since Louis Philippe had been recognised, it had already been determined that Napoleon's son should not return to his garrison, but should spend the next winter and perhap longer still in Vienna. In order to compensate him for his disappointed hopes, he was in November raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the infantry regiment of Nassau.» (HH, XIV, p.591)

Shall be bruised by making a vow to Venus, Being accompanied with but three and six nights :« At the same time efforts were made to win him from his brooding by means of all kinds of distractions. He was allowed to witness in the second half of September the brilliant ceremonies and festivities in Presburg, which accompanied the coronation of the heir to the Austrian throne as king of Hungary. He was purposely drawn into all the pleasures, assemblies and halls at court, where he was — especially among the fair sex — the object of universal attention and sympathy, and where his wit, his facility in expressing himself, the vivacity of his repartees, the elegance of his dress and manners, the charm of his tall person and the beauty of his features insured him considerable success. Judging from contemporary portraits, his face was rather round than oval, with a very prominent nose and pouting underlip; the forehead was open and high, the cheeks somewhat hollow, thoughtful eyes looked out from beneath the curly, carefully parted hair, and increased the interest awakened by his appearance. At last he was given the entrée into diplomatic circles, for the first time on January 25th, 1831, when he appeared at a social gathering at the residence of Lord Cowley the English ambassador. This was for him a kind of turning point in his life. It is true that no distraction had the power to dispel his sadness. In spite of the good will with which he was welcomed in diplomatic circles, and the charm this intercourse possessed for him, it nevertheless left him depressed. He railed at the parties as being " dreary and painful." » (HH, XIV, p.591)

His true desire : « His meeting with Marshal Marmont was evidently very beneficial to him; the former had sought a refuge in Vienna after his sad defence of Charles X in the streets of Paris and had been there since November. They first met at that gathering at Lord Cowley's and out of this grew more intimate intercourse. Mettemich sanctioned this in the name of the emperor on one condition: that the marshal should tell the duke the whole truth without concealing either good or evil from him. Marshal Maison, the accredited ambassador of Louis Philippe, obtained an introduction to the duke who tactfully received him with these words: " You were a distinguished general under my father, that is at the present moment the only circumstance which is at present in my mind." It is evident that the duke was and consciously remained, in spite of all attacks, only the son and heir of Napoleon. Another excitement, the most powerful of all, was in store for him; when in February, 1831, the revolutionary movement in Italy came to a head and in the first rush his mother's government in Parma was swept away. His cousins, Napoleon Louis [1804-1831] and Louis Napoleon [1808-1873], unconcerned about this Austrian archduchess threw themselves into the movement in that adventurous way [Who shall do so much] which was so repugnant to him, grew enthusiastic over liberty, in order to make capital out of it as a power, and to dare everything in order to turn popedom upside down, convinced that the ruins of overturned worlds was the surest cement of Napoleonic throne building — the duke of Reichstadt, however, was impelled by quite opposite feelings and convictions. In Marie Louise he only saw his mother, and the wife of Napoleon; and in the duchy of Parma the last remnant of Napoleonic dominion, which ought not to be allowed to perish. He felt impelled on this account to take the field in defence of his mother and against the Italian revolution, not as the leader of a troop, however, but at the head of a European army. The idea seized him like an electric shock. He hurried to the emperor Francis in order to win his consent. He beseeched him with prayers, he conjured him with tears; but in vain, his request was denied. Prokesch testifies that the prince had never been more excited; his imagination revelled in a thirst for war; he seemed tortured by an ever increasing fever, and incapable of settling down to any work. When he gave vent to his torments in words, in moments of greater confidence, it was always to complain that the " first opportunity " of distinguishing himself had been taken from him; that nothing could have been more honourable for him than to draw his sword for the first time in the interest of his mother and to punish those who had dared to insult and threaten her. Full of anguish, he wrote to his mother: " For the first time it has been painful to me to obey the emperor." And as Prokesch cheerily advised him to perfect himself first by further studies, he exclaimed angrily: "Time is too short! it marches forward too rapidly to waste it on a work of preparations! Has not the moment for action evidently come? " Austria's intervention damped the feverish ardour of Italy and that of the duke of Reichstadt. But two sparks glimmered among the ashes in the latter. The result of one of these was a constant vehemence and want of consideration in speech which aimed at making an impression and gloried in it; the result of the other was a thirst for achievement which led him to take up the military career with a zeal that would brook no curb. The first we take more particularly from a description by a foreign diplomat: ''The duke of Reichstadt, who lives at the court of his grandfather and in the bosom of the imperial family, as soon as he had completed his twentieth year took up a more and more independent and public position. Endowed with a very favourable outward appearance, full of spirit and fire, filled with the military glory of his father, rather lively than thoughtful or circumspect, he seems to regard the impression he makes, especially on strangers, with anything but displeasure."

« The emperor was very willing to encourage the military ardour of the duke. But the idea of allowing him to live elsewhere than in Vienna was now entirely given up. When he entered his twenty-first year he was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the Hungarian infantry regiment, Ignaz Ginlay, on garrison duty in Vienna. On June 14th, he entered active military service and at the same time he was drawn into a military circle. By this circumstance the whole of his entourage was changed; his head tutor, Count Dietrichstein, and his former tutors left him; and General Count Hartmann von Klarstein, a man of science and culture and a deserving officer, and captains von Moll and Standeiski were appointed in their place.

« The duke had now obtained what he longed for: standing on the threshold of a career whose vastness seemed incalculable, he did not dream that he was really at the entrance of the valley of shadows.» (HH, XIV, p.592-593)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 621.Destiny of the son of Napoleon I

19th century:
§621. Destiny of the son of Napoleon I (1811-1832): IV-7.

IV-7:
The minor son of the grand and hated prince,
Shall have a grand stain of leprosy at the age of twenty:
His mother, very sad and slim, shall be dejected by the mourning.
And he shall die where the lax chief in stumbling falls.


(Le mineur filz du grand & hay prince,
De lepre aura à vingt ans grande tache:
De dueil sa mere mourra bien triste & mince.
Et il mourra la ou toumbe chet lache.)

Keys to the reading:
The minor son: Napoleon François Charles Joseph, duke of Reichstadt (1811-1832), son of Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821) and Marie Louise (1791-1847). When his father died in 1821, he was only ten years old.

the grand and hated prince: Napoleon I;

a grand stain of leprosy at the age of twenty: a metaphor for a grave disease which befalls the duke of Reichstadt in 1831, when he is 20 years old;

dueil: = deuil, mourning;

De dueil sa mere mourra: = Sa mere mourra de dueil, mourir in this case signifying to be dejected (Dubois);

His mother, very sad and slim: partly because of the popular revolt in her duchy, Parma;

toumbe := tombe, falls;

chet: «s. m., monnaie au chet, monnaie de poids pouvant subir l'épreuve du trébuchet» (Godefroy). «Trébucher, v. intr. To totter, to reel, to stumble» (Dubois). So, the word chet may represent un chef qui trébuche (a chief who totters).

where the lax chief in stumbling falls: Vienna, where Francis II of the German Empire, grandfather of the duke of Reichstadt, was dethroned in 1806 by the overwhelming power of Bonaparte. « On the 12th of July, 1806, sixteen princes of western Germany concluded, under Napoleon's direction, a treaty, according to which they separated themselves from the German Empire and founded the so-called confederation of the Rhine, which it was their intention to render subject to the supremacy of the emperor of the French. On the 1st of August, Napoleon declared that he no longer recognised the empire of Germany. No one ventured to oppose his omnipotent voice. On the 6th of August, 1806, the emperor, Francis II, abdicated the imperial crown of Germany and announced the dissolution of the empire in a touching address, full of calm dignity and sorrow. The standard of Charlemagne, the greatest hero of the first Christian age, was to be profaned by no hand save that of the greatest hero of modem times. Ancient names, long venerated, now disappeared. The head of the Holy Roman Empire was converted into an emperor of Austria.» (HH, XII, p.538)

Summary:
The grand and hated prince: « Napoleon was the object of the most unheard-of passion. It was one unanimous howl against the " Corsican Ogre," the assassin of the duke d'Enghien, the author of the ambuscade at Bayonne, the man who had slaughtered so many thousands of men, and who, it was said, reserved for Paris, in wishing to attempt a battle within its walls, the fate of Moscow. The excitement was at its height and the reaction unrestrained. The fallen idol was, as always, despised and insulted.» (HH, XII, p.613)

A grave disease befalls the duke of Reichstadt in 1831, when he was 20 years old : « [1831] The duke of Reichstadt, who lives at the court of his grandfather and in the bosom of the imperial family, as soon as he had completed his twentieth year took up a more and more independent and public position. Endowed with a very favourable outward appearance, full of spirit and fire, filled with the military glory of his father, rather lively than thoughtful or circumspect, he seems to regard the impression he makes, especially on strangers, with anything but displeasure. The emperor was very willing to encourage the military ardour of the duke. But the idea of allowing him to live elsewhere than in Vienna was now entirely given up. When he entered his twenty-first year he was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the Hungarian infantry regiment on garrison duty in Vienna. On June 14th, he entered active military service and at the same time he was drawn into a military circle.» (HH, XIV, p.593)

« The duke had now obtained what he longed for: standing on the threshold of a career whose vastness seemed incalculable, he did not dream that he was really at the entrance of the valley of shadows. According to the reports of Doctor Malfatti, who had been appointed his doctor in May, 1830, disquieting symptoms of a consumptive tendency were already then apparent, which had been increased by his alarmingly rapid growth; at the age of seventeen, he was already five feet eight inches tall. For this reason his entering active service was postponed, and later on he was repeatedly prohibited from attending military duties. The more decided the doctor's advice became, the more he feared it in the interests of his military passion, and the more violently he began to repel it and the more obstinately he endeavoured to conceal from the doctor the progress of the disease. More than once he exclaimed '' I abhor medicine! " and to all inquiries he would reply: " I feel perfectly well! " But repeated attacks of complete exhaustion actually revealed what he refused to put into words. He was then for the time being condemned to inactivity by a command of the emperor based on the doctor's report, or rather, as he expressed it in his bitterness " placed under arrest by the doctor; " he fell back again in consequence into brooding fancies, which at times were of a scarcely less exhausting nature than the exertions of military service. It was while he was in this condition that he wrote to Prokesch on October 2nd, 1831, as follows: ''So many thoughts run riot through my brain concerning my position, politics, history, and our great science of strategy which destroys or maintains kingdoms." On the same occasion he gave his attention for the first time to Lamartine's poems. One meditation he considered more especially beautiful; he was never tired of studying it, he read it aloud with delight to Doctor Malfatti. But it was evident that one passage had above all electrified him, because it appeared as though it had been specially addressed to him; with a voice trembling with emotion he recited the following lines:

Courage, enfant déchu d'une race divine;
Tu portes sur ton front ta céleste origine.
Tout homme en te voyant, reconnaît dans tes yeux
Un rayon éclipse de la splendeur des cieux.


(Courage, fallen child of divine race;
You bear on your forehead your celestial origin.
Everyone, seeing you, recognizes in your eyes
An eclipsed ray of the splendor of the heavens.)

The state of the sufferer grew worse from month to month. He began himself to be conscious of its gravity, but no complaint ever crossed his lips, a settled sadness took possession of his soul.» (HH, XIV, p.593-594)

And he shall die in Vienna (where the lax chief in stumbling falls): « Little joys and great illusions lightened it momentarily, as for instance when the emperor raised him in the spring of 1832 to the rank of colonel, and when a journey to Italy for his health was proposed. But he felt himself so dependent. He was filled with anxiety at the thought that perhaps Metternich - the emperor was absent - would not consent to the journey. How great was his joy when he received the desired sanction. But his end was approaching rapidly; he helped to hasten it himself by the imprudent risks he ran as soon as he seemed a little better, so that Malfatti exclaimed in despair, that a fatal impulse was at work within him urging and driving him to murder himself. On July 21st, when the last agony had begun he acknowledged to the doctor for the first time that he was suffering. He was weary of life. " When will my life of torture be at an end? " he exclaimed. Early the next day, he breathed his last in the presence of his mother who had hurried to his bed-side, and in the very room of the castle of Schönbrunn, where his father, at the zenith of his power, had dictated terms of peace to the world.» (HH, XIV, p.594)

His mother, very sad and slim, shall be dejected by the mourning: « When in February, 1831, the revolutionary movement in Italy came to a head and in the first rush his mother's government in Parma was swept away. In Marie Louise he only saw his mother, and the wife of Napoleon; and in the duchy of Parma the last remnant of Napoleonic dominion, which ought not to be allowed to perish. He felt impelled on this account to take the field in defence of his mother and against the Italian revolution. The idea seized him like an electric shock. He hurried to the emperor Francis in order to win his consent, but in vain, his request was denied. Full of anguish, he wrote to his mother: " For the first time it has been painful to me to obey the emperor."» (HH, XIV, p.592)

« Early the next day [1832.7.22], he breathed his last in the presence of his mother who had hurried to his bed-side.» (HH, XIV, p.594)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 622.Louis Philip's fall by himself

19th century:
§622. Louis Philip's fall by himself (1848): IX-57.

IX-57:
At the place of DRVX shall repose a King,
And seek for Anathema, in changing a law,
Whilst the heaven shall give a thunder extremely powerful,
A new brood coming, the King shall kill himself.


(Au lieu de DRVX un Roy reposera,
Et cherchera loy changeant d'Anatheme,
Pendant le ciel si tresfort tonnera,
Portee neufve Roy tuera soy mesme.)

Keys to the reading:
DRVX : for Dreux (Torné-Chavigny,1860, p.68);

a King: King of the French Louis-Philip (id.);

Anathema in changing a law: fatal destruction, i.e. abolition of a dynasty caused by changing the rule of regency (id., p.69);

A new brood: a group of eleven nominated persons as members of the new provisional government in the revolution of February.

Summary:
At the place of DRVX shall repose a King: «The king Louis-Philip, warned by Crémieux that the riot approached, got out of the Tuileries, accompanied by the queen Marie-Adélie and by the generals Dumas and Rumigny, via the portal of an underground that led from his apartments to the garden of the Tuileries. He saved himself in disguise till Dreux, thence to Honfleur, then to Le Havre» (Muel, 1895, p.216-217). « He stopped in Dreux for several hours; he believed the regency accepted and had nothing to worry about, for his grandson was reigning. All of a sudden, the duke of Montpensier appeared, he brought the fatal news: the regency had been rejected (Alexandre Dumas, Louis Philippe).» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.66)

in changing a law: « They [the rebels] moved in mass to the Tuileries. Then Louis-Philip, by the earnest entreaty of his son, the duke of Montpensier, and of de Girardin, signed his act of abdication: " I abdicate in favour of my grandson, the count of Paris. I wish that he should be more happy than I." This prince did not express himself about the regency. Mr. Thiers took advantage of the thought of the king in order to pronounce himself pro a part of the opposition against the regency of Madam the duchess of Orleans. This fault by the king and by Mr. Thiers of having snatched the regency out of the young mother of a child king weighed fatally upon this last phase of the reign [And seek for Anathema]. Louis-Philip and his minister perished under the improvidence of this act [the King shall kill himself] (Lamartine, Révolution de 1848)» (Muel, id., p.216). « The Chamber of the deputies met at half past noon on February 24th under the presidency of Mr. Sauzet. The duchess of Orleans, accompanied by the duke of Nemours, entered the hall of the meeting, leading by the hand the count of Paris and the duke of Chartres, her children. Mr.Dupin, who had brought the count of Paris and his mother to the Chamber, announced the abdication of the king in favour of the count of Paris, with the duchess of Orleans as regent. Mr. Marie protested against the regency: "You have a law that has nominated the duke of Nemours as regent [the law of the 30th of August, 1842], you cannot today make a regency [changing a law]; it is certain that you have to obey a law... I demand that a provisional government should be organized on the instant."» (Muel, id., p.217-218).

The duke of Nemours: « The second son of Louis-Philip, made regent after the death of his elder brother, the duke of Orleans.» (Muel, id., p.218).

Whilst the heaven shall give a thunder extremely powerful: « On February 26th, the next of the day when Louis- Philip left Dreux to start to wander in his kingdom till the night of the 2nd - 3rd of March, it had been a hurricane and a frightful tempest accompanied by lightning and thunders.» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.71)

A new brood coming: « At last, after many fruitless efforts, while repeated cries of " No more Bourbons! We want a republic!" arose, Dupont de l'Eure succeeded in reading out the names of Lamartine [1], Ledru-Rollin [2], Arago [3], Dupont de l'Eure [4], and Marie [5], which were accepted unanimously. A voice cried: " The members of the provisional government must shout 'Vive la République' before being named and accepted." But Bocage, the democratic actor, cried, " To the Hôtel-de-Ville with Lamartine at our head!" and Lamartine, accompanied by Bocage and a large number of citizens, left the hall. While this tumultuous proclamation was being made in the chamber of deputies, Louis Blanc in the office of La Réforme was holding a meeting of the editors of the journal and some political friends. He also was drawing up a list for a provisional government. However, the provisional government wandered about the nation's palace without finding any spot where they could deliberate in peace, or where they would be free from the importunate sovereignty of the people. They shut themselves up in a room, but petitioners hunted them out; they hid in another, certain delegates intervened with authority; with much trouble they found refuge in a third. Lamartine drew up the first proclamation to the French nation; then the members of the government disposed of the ministerial offices. Dupont de l'Eure, on account of his age, was exempted, but was given the title of president of council. Lamartine became foreign minister; Arago, head of the admiralty; Crémieux [6], solicitor-general; Marie, minister of public works; Ledru-Rollin, minister of the interior (home secretary). Garnier-Pagès [7] was confirmed in his office of mayor of Paris. Towards half past eight Louis Blanc [8], Marrast [9], and Flocon [10] were introduced into the deliberating assembly. Louis Blanc imperiously demanded the inscription of his name and those of Marrast and Flocon on the list of members of the provisional government. He was offered the post of secretary. He refused at first; then, seeing himself abandoned by Marrast and Flocon, he retracted his refusal. [Also Albert [11] in the government (cf. Muel, id., p.222)].» (HH, XIII, p.87-88).

« Thus the government was finally completed. Every shade of republicanism was represented: moderate opinions, by Dupont de l'Eure, Arago, and Marie; adaptability, by Garnier-Pagès and Crémieux; socialism, by Louis Blanc; communism, by Albert; recollections of the convention, by Ledru-Rollin and Flocon; republican bourgeoisie, by Armand Marrast. Lamartine, who by his past, his name, and his aristocratic connections was looked on with the least favour by the public, personified in himself the diverse characters of his colleagues. He was not exactly the adversary nor the ally of any of them, but was dominated by a superior impartiality. But this same impartiality which constituted his strength was also a source of weakness. Sometimes he resisted, sometimes he yielded - less from force of conviction than from a spirit of tolerance, and in order to evade immediate embarrassment or peril. Among the members there was one whose ideas and sentiments were totally opposed to these - Louis Blanc. According to him the Revolution ought to call itself the republic, and the republic ought to realise high ideals. He would allow no temporising, no concession. We have seen him exact the inscription of his name on the government list: we shall see him in the council oppose himself to all, supported in his isolation by the intervention of the masses, and succeed in dictating measures most fatal to the republic. In short, from the first hour, such was the critical situation of the provisional government, which owed its origin to popular sovereignty, that it was constantly in dispute with that sovereignty. The crowd had encroached upon royalty; it now began to complain that the provisional government encroached upon its domain. First it had applauded; then it asked arrogantly by what right they had seized the power.» (HH, XIII, p.88).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 623.Collapse of July monarchy by a shock from Sicily

 

19th century:

§623. Collapse of July monarchy by a shock from Sicily (1848): VIII-81.

 

VIII-81
The new empire in desolation,

It shall be a change of the northen city:

From Sicily shall come the emotion,

To trouble the authority of Philip as a subject.

 

(Le neuf empire en desolation,

Sera change du pole aquilonaire:

De la Sicile viendra l'esmotion,

Troubler l'amprinse à Philip tributaire.)

 

Keys to the reading:                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        
neuf
: = nouvel;

 

The new empire: Monarchy of July as newly erected by a subbranch of the Bourbons in 1830. Cf. « The new elevated veteran: = Louis-Philip» (§605, X-69) (cf. Torné-Chavigny,1860, p.63);

 

The new empire in desolation: Cf. « He and his reign shall cause such a wide indignation,That it shall be too late for him to recover» (§614, III-73);

 

Pole: This word with polle as its another form in the Prophecies may mean πολις (a city), besides its original pôle (pole, region);

 

Aquilonaire: Of Aquilon (the north wind). The 8 uses in all of the words Aquilon and aquilonaire in the Prophecies are in principle relativistic, i.e. northern in relation to its southern counterpart, except when they absolutely refer to Russia (VIII-15, IX-99), or as a phonetical metaphor (II-91, where Aquilon by its phonetic image in Japanese means the district of Hiroshima, anciently called AQUI (Briet, c.1640’s) or AKI (MacCarthy), whence AQUILO, AQUIJI, AKILO or AKIJI: the road of AQUI or of AKI). For example, England in relation to France of Napoleon I (II-68, X-86), Vienna in relation to the Ottoman Empire in 1683 (I-49);

 

Le pole aquilonaire: The northern city relating to Louis-Philip, Paris, an European city to the north of Sicily, the same as par aquilon (§605, X-69) signifying northwards, in relation to par midi, southwards;

 

L'amprinse: = l'emprise, Authority, influence; grip;

 

Tributaire: Who pays tribute to a seignior, a subject (Petit Robert);

 

Philip tributaire: King of the French Louis-Philip, who, according to the traditional law of succession, ought to be a subject of the legitimate head of the Bourbons, the duke of Bordeaux in 1830. He is called 'valet (valet,servant)' in the next quatrain (§624, VIII-82).

 

Its interpretation as « beneficiary of tribute» (Torné-Chavigny,id.) is just contrary to the correct sense of the word. The same reason excludes Ovason's interpretation that relates the quatrain to Philip V of Spain in saying that "Philip who received the tribute (he was tributaire) from Sardinia." (1997, p.235) But, "Philip tributaire" means the contrary, i.e. "Philip pays the tribute as a subject", and Philip V with the legitimacy internationally acknowledged of his crown filling a vacancy of the Spanish throne cannot be a subject of anyone. 

 

Summary
The new empire in desolation:
« 1847. France. - Crisis of the subsistences. Rarity of hard cash. Riots in Indre and in Buzançais (Jan.13). The bank issues 200 franc notes. Wheat of Russia comes in aid of us. - The apparent power of the ministry that has in the chamber the largest majority during these 17 years. Every proposition of reform is rejected: a majority of 98 votes against the project of electoral reform that demanded the abatement of census, the elevation of the minimum number of electors, the admission of the right of vote in virtue of special capacities, the increase of the number of deputies.- The processes of malpractice and corruption morally bit the government.- Reformiste propaganda by means of banquets in Paris, Mâcon and Lille. The discourse of Mr. Ledru-Rollin, in Lille, marked the radical tendencies far distant from the leaders of the dynastic opposition that demanded the reform.- Mr. Guizot becomes president of the cabinet which he directs in reality for 7 years (Sept.19)... The discourse of the crown, in the beginning of the session, has accused "the blind or hostile passions" (Dec.28).» (Dreyss, p. 814-815; 820).

 

Change of the northen city: From Sicily shall come the emotion, To trouble the authority of Philip: « 1848. Italy. - Revolt in Messina (Jan.6), then in Palermo, and soon in all the island. Bombardments of Palermo. The concessions offered by the king (Jan.18,19)» are refused; The Sicilians demand a national parliament in Palermo and consititue a provisory government. The revolution is conducted by the prince of Pantellaria, the marquises of Rudini and of Spedalotto, the major general don Ruggiero Settimo. Revolt in Naples on 27th.- The king promises a constitution on the basis of the French chart on 29th. Amnesty to all the political offenses since 1830 (Feb.1). The constitution promised to the Two-Sicilies is published on 10th.- The king of Sardinia, Charles-Albert, also promises a constitutional law (Feb.8).- In Tuscany, a riot at Livorno (Jan.6). The archduke accords a national representation with two chambers (Feb.11 and 15). Charles-Albert publishes the promised constitution (March 4).» (Dreyss, p. 822-823).

 

« 1848. France. - Ardor of propositions of reform overexcited by the happenings of Italy. Harsh discussions in the chamber of deputies concerning the right of assembly. Organization of a banquet of the 22nd district by 92 members of the opposition scheduled for 22nd (Feb.18). The deputies abandon on 21. Vote of accusation against the ministry, presented by the opposition (Tuesday, 22 Feb.). Beginning of the troubles; the new revolution of the three days.» (Dreyss, p. 820).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 624.Louis-Philip, suject and servant

19th century:
§624. Louis-Philip, suject and servant (1830-1848): VIII-82.
VIII-82
A long, dry rumination making him a good valet,
At the end he shall have to be discharged,
Poison and letters seizing one by the collar,
The fugitive shall be caught in danger.


(Ronge long, sec faisant du bon valet,
A la parfin n'aura que son congie,
Poignant poyson & lettres au collet
Sera saisi eschappé en dangie.)

Keys to the reading:
Ronge: = Rumination, remorse (Godefroy);

Sec: = Non accompagné (without consequence), Partie sèche, non suivie d'une revanche et d'une belle (Petit Robert);

Ronge long, sec: The old, fruitless remorse mingled with anger of Louis-Philip against the elder family of Bourbons, of the same kind as the 'horrible grippe (horrible aversion)' of his father Philippe-Égalité against Louis XVI;

Valet: = Louis-Philip accepts passively the throne offered to him by the triumphant sovereign republicans;

Congie : = Congé (discharge);

To be discharged: By the republicans in the Revolution of February;

Poignant: p.prés. de Poignier, Toucher avec le poing, empoigner (To seize) (Godefroy);

Poignant poyson & lettres au collet: = Poyson & lettres empoignant qn au collet;

Poison and letters: «The letters containing the dishonoring avowal (poison) of one's suicide» (§595, I-41);

Sera saisi eschappé en dangie: = L'eschappé sera saisi en dangie;

Dangie : = Danger.

Summary:
A long, dry rumination making him a good valet : The duke of Orleans Louis-Philip, as he does not have the supremacy in succeeding to the French throne, is making every effort to get the credit of deserving a crown by means of seductions. «Louis-Philip, a new Agesilaus, protest the legitimacy of the birth of his [great-] nephew. The duke of Orleans protested in the Morning-Chronicle, November 1820, the birth of Monsieur the duke of Bordeaux, Charles-Ferdinand-Dieudonné, legitimate son of Her Royal Highness Madame the duchess of Berry, etc., etc. This protestation having its resoundings at the Tuileries, the duke of Orleans at once presented himself there, denied it and protested it; in 1830, he avowed it, moreover published it in the official journals.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.21).

«The princess Adelaide was regarded as having a great range of ideas, and above all grandiose ambition in favor of her family. So she was ever occupied in assembling by his brother the people whose opinions or interests alienated themselves from the elder branch of the Bourbons. It is under her influence that the party was formed, proved entirely ready when the revolution of 1830 occurred (Feller) M. De Lafayette waited his royal visitor on the landing of the Town Hall (1830). The situation was grave and solemn. This step Louis-Philip was to take in going to demand the sanction of the people in the palace of the people, it was an entire, complete and eternal breaking off of the monarchy with divine right, it was the crowning of the fifteen years' conspiration, it was the consecration of the revolt in the person of a prince of blood (Al. Dumas).» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.22).» (cf. §597,VI-84)

Poison and letters seizing one [ = the prince of Condé ] by the collar: Cf. §592, I-41: A poison and letters hidden in the hearth; And later in August [1830], « a testament shall cause the death of the prince of Bourbon-Condé» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.28). Indeed, his testament, forced to made a year before by his young mistress Baroness of Feuchères engaging Louis-Philip to take her under his protection in exchange of gaining an advantageous one from the prince, left all of his properties to the young duke of Aumale, and several millions to Madame de Feuchères» (E. Dentu, 1861,p.9-12; p.6). And his parcel of private manuscripts shall never been read in public. In fact, all the circumstances of his death having been evidently against the conclusion of suicide by the justice under the royal authority, the feigned papers half burned and broken in pieces are found in the fireplace [hidden in the hearth] of his chamber thoroughly checked in vain in the morning for the first time later in the evening by the secretary of the king. They read as follows: «Saint-Leu and its dependencies belong to your King Philip. Do not pillage nor burn the castle nor the village. Do not do a wrong to anyone of my friends and my people. You are off my intention. I have to die only in hoping happiness and prosperity for the French people and for my fatherland. Farewell forever. L.-H.-J. DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ. P.S. I wish to be buried at Vincennes, by my unfortunate son.» (E. Dentu, id.,p.19).»

The fugitive shall be caught in danger: « On February 26th, the next of the day when Louis- Philip left Dreux to start to wander in his kingdom till the night of the 2nd - 3rd of March, it had been a hurricane and a frightful tempeste accompanied by lightning and thunders.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.71)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 625. Louis-Philip and Napoleon III

19th century:
§625. Louis-Philip and Napoleon III (1830-1848): IX-89.

IX-89
For seven years Philip's fortune shall be prosperous,
And abase the effect of the Arabs,
Then his perplexed noon, reverses, affairs.
The young ognyon shall ruin his fort.


(Sept ans sera Philip. fortune prospere,
Rabaissera des Arabes l'effaict,
Puis son mydi perplex rebors affaire
Jeusne ognyon abysmera son fort.)

Keys to the reading:
Philip.: An abbreviation of the French Philippe (Philip in English). «Since Nostradamus, France has never had upon her throne a king named Philip except Louis-Philip» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.57);

Philip. fortune: La fortune de Philip. (the fortune of Philip, or Philip's fortune), Philip in this use being au cas-régime de l'ancien français (in the oblique case equivalent to a genitive). Cf. §369,IX-77: Royne fils (a son of the Queen);

Son fort: «Louis XIV, Napoleon I and Louis XVIII dreamed of fortifying Paris; only Philip might succeed, in spite of the public opinion, in enclosing this capital with the wall of fortresses, which he considered as the safeguard of his crown» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.62);

Ognyon: Being derived from Ogmios (a Greco-Roman god presiding over eloquence with the power of winning a mass of people - cf. Torné-Chavigny, id., p.61) with a substitution of m by n (cf. §68, IX-13: Burançoys: = Buzançais substituting Z by R, which suggests Poltrot de Méré, assassin of the duke of Guise in 1563);

The young ognyon: = Louis-Napoleon, nephew of Napoleon I, being elected president of the French republic in 1848 in appealing to the nation as his uncle did. N and on of ognyon suggest Napoleon.

Summary:
For seven years Philip's fortune shall be prosperous: «Thus, all helped the prosperous march of the royal family towards this top of power, absolute but constant, of all the desires of its chief... [1836] The elder daughter of Louis-Philip married the king of the Belgians. The duke of Orleans married the princess Helen of Mecklembourg-Schwerin. Several days after the marriage of his brother, the duke of Nemours departed for Africa; he had a grand revenge to take. The revenge was brilliant; Constantine, taken away by assault, fell into our arms on October 13, 1837... This year of 1838 is the acme of the power of the king Louis-Philip. It is in this year that the prosperity of his house is led to its utmost height through the birth of the count of Paris. And with the first days of the next year the unfortunate things make their beginning through the death of the princess Mary. The count of Paris is born on August 24, 1838; the princess Mary dies on January 2, 1839 (Alex. Dumas).» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.57-58).

And abase the effect of the Arabs: «The war of Africa endured as long as the reign of Louis-Philip. But, at the beginning of this reign, the French had only Alger, just for a month till then. After the reign held for seventeen years, the Arabs had to renounce reconquering their independence.» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.58).

Then his perplexed noon, reverses, affairs: The noon (= acme) of the reign of Louis-Philip is already pregnant with perplexities, reverses and difficult affairs, such as national demands of electoral reforms, workers' right of assembly, and in particular the problem of Orient; an undetermined solution of France about the last leads her into the international isolation against the allied powers of England, Russia, Austria and Prussia (cf. Torné-Chavigny, id., p.58-61).

The young ognyon shall ruin his fort: The fort of Louis-Philip (his fort) indicates here the capital of France, not only of the July monarchy, but also in extenso of the second French republic, which Louis-Napoleon is to gain as emperor;
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 626. 1848, the year of change

19th century:
§626. 1848, the year of change (spring of the nations): V-92.

V-92:
After the seat held for seventeen years,
Five shall change at the end of these revolved times:
Then the one shall be elected at the same time,
Who shall not be so conformable as to the Romans.


(Apres le siege tenu dixsept ans,
Cinq changeront en tel revolu terme:
Puis sera l'un esleu de mesme temps,
Qui des Romains ne sera trop conforme.)

Keys to the reading:
After the seat held for seventeen years: Ellipsis of «Louis-Philip shall lose the sceptre in February 1848, after the seat held for seventeen years (August 1830 to August 1847)»;

Five shall change at the end of these revolved times: = Other five reigns (aa, bb, cc, dd and ee below) shall change simultaneously in 1848 (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.52). «The word change is always employed for a modification in the governments.» (Vignois, 1910, p.228) Indeed, of 52 examples in all of the words: change, changé, changer, changement, etc. in the Prophecies, only 4 express a particular change of the calendar-system (II-41), of the shore of a river (VI-4), of clothing (VI-17) and of the religion (IX-44), all of the rest indicating a change of reigns, sovereigns, governments, fundamental policies, or important results produced thereby. We find among these the 4 quatrains including V-92, where the word change has no subject nor object, nevertheless their context suggests an application of its typical use: a change of reigns, etc. (cf. VI-20, IX-63, IX-66 and V-92);

Then...at the same time: Later in 1848;

The one shall be elected: In december 1848 Louis Napoleon is elected president of the French Republic.

Summary:
After the seat held for seventeen years, five shall change at the end of these revolved times: then the one shall be elected at the same time: « 1848 Year of revolutions - Louis Napoleon elected French President
Feb: 10th, constitution in Naples proclaimed by Ferdinand II [aa];
24th, Louis Philippe abdicates in favour of grandson, Comte de Paris, but Republican Provisional government is proclaimed under Alphonse de Lamartine;
Mar: 4th, Constitution in Piedmont and Sardinia, proclaimed by Charles Albert [bb];
12th (- 15th), revolution in Vienna begins with university demonstrations; 13th, Prince Metternich resigns and calling of States- General is promised [cc];
14th, Constitution in Rome promulgated by Pope Pius IX [dd];
—, (- 19th), in revolution in Berlin, Frederick William IV agrees to grant constitution [ee];
May: 22nd, Prussian National Assembly meets in Berlin;
Jun: 29th, Archduke John of Austria is elected Regent of the Reich which is to replace German Confederation.
Jul: 22nd, Austrian Reichstag (Constituent Assembly) meets;
Sep: 7th, abolition of serfdom in Austria;
Nov: 4th, Republican Constitution in France is promulgated with single Chamber, strong President and direct election under universal suffrage;
16th, Count Rossi, Papal Premier, assassinated by fanatical democrat;
24th, Pius IX flees to Gaeta.
Dec: 2nd, Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria abdicates in favour of nephew Franz Joseph I (- 1916);
5th, Prussian National Assembly is dissolved and Constitution granted, but ultimate authority of King maintained;
10th, Louis Napoleon is elected President of France by a massive majority;
1849
Feb: 9th, Rome proclaimed Republic under Giuseppe Mazzini.» (Williams, 1968, p.206-210).

Who shall not be so conformable as to the Romans: «The cabinet of the 20th of December 1848 says on the tribune: If we leave Austria the time to come into the Eternal City, it will be first a damage to the French interest in Italy; it will be secondly the reestablishment of the despotism in Rome, as in the days of Gregory XVI; Let us intervene therefore ourselves, for the equilibrium of the influences in Italy not to be broken in favour of the cabinet of Vienna, and also to safeguard the Roman liberty. The Assembly, convinced by the arguments of the ministry, voted on the 10th of April a credit of a million and two hundred thousand francs, for the maintenance of an expeditionary corps on the coasts of central Italy. On the 26th of April the squadron of expedition disembarked at Civita-Vecchia, and thence began marching on Rome. General Oudinot who was commanding the force made a proclamation to the Roman States as follows: Habitants of the Roman States ! A corps of the French army landed upon your territory; its aim is never to exercise an oppressive influence, nor to impose you a government that should not be conformable to your visions... The Roman constituent assembly responded to this proclamation by the following decree: The assembly, after mature and reasoned discussions, have resolved unanimously to save the Republic, and to repel the force by the force.» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.52-53).

«Siege of Rome: A matter concerning a foreign nation had caused the latter conflict. The European revolutions, to which the revolution of February had given birth, had been promptly put down by the kings whom they had alarmed. Already Austria, victorious in Hungary, thanks to the Russians, had defeated the king of Sardinia, Charles Albert, at Novara; and Lombardy had again fallen into its power. The republic proclaimed at Rome, after the flight of the pope, vainly endeavoured to make the walls of the Holy City the last rampart of the independence of the peninsula. Victorious for an instant, six months before, Italy had refused the aid of France; now that she was vanquished and threatened by a heavier yoke, policy, and the solicitations of the Catholics who were then dominant in the chamber and the ministry, made it a duty of the government to protect the Italian peninsula and the holy see against the revolutionaries who wished to suppress the pope's temporal royalty. An army commanded by General Oudinot was sent into Italy to restore Rome to the pontiff.

«The republicans of Paris endeavoured by an insurrection to save the republic of Rome. A member of the former provisional government, Ledru- Rollin was with them. On the 13th of June, 1849, a timely display of troops nipped the rising in the bud. This riot cost the party its leaders, who were condemned by the high court of Versailles, and the Romans their last hope. On the 2nd of July General Oudinot, after showing the utmost discretion in the siege of the place, entered Rome, where the pope was reinstated. The legislative assembly, which had succeeded the constituent assembly, May 28th, 1849, although less unanimous on this question, nevertheless approved the president's conduct and it was decided that the troops should remain in Rome for the protection of the pope. From that day France had one arm occupied in Italy.» (HH, XIII, p.112-113)
________________________________________
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 627. Roman republic, Independent Belgium, Spanish civil war

19th century:
§627. Roman republic, Independent Belgium, Spanish civil war (1830-1849): III-17.

III-17:
The mount Aventine shall be seen to burn at night:
The heaven obscure all of a sudden in Flanders,
When the monarch shall chase her nephew:
Their men of Church shall give rise to scandal.


(Mont Aventine brusler nuit sera veu:
Le ciel obscur tout à un coup en Flandres,
Quand le monarque chassera son nepveu:
Leurs gens d'Eglise commetront les escandres.)

Keys to the reading:
The mount Aventine: One of the seven hills in Rome, representing the refuge of the liberal Romans in antiquity (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.202). But, there is no specific reason for identifying it with the liberalism in France as Toné-Chavigny did (id., p.266). It is of course Roman liberalism with no more specific mention. On the contrary, the example of V-57: Istra du mont Gaulsier & Aventin, with its partner le mont Gaulsier (= Montgolsier = the Montgolfier brothers, French inventors of hot-air balloon), indicates French liberalism as Toné-Chavigny did (id., p.202). And the other example of IX-2 refers to Italian liberalism with Italian place-names;

Their men of Church: The personal pronoun their referring to the monarch and her nephew of the 3rd verse, their men of Church are to be Spaniards. Then, its identification with the church in Italy of M. Luni (1998, p.157) is to be rejected.

Summary:
The mount Aventine shall be seen to burn at night: « Revolt against the pope; Rome a Republic. In the papal states, the enthusiasm for the pope declined when he did not satisfy the exaggerated demands quickly and completely enough and when he earnestly rejected the desired declaration of war against Austria as incompatible with his position and religious dignity. Even the expulsion of the Jesuits, who were oppressed and threatened in all the Italian states, and the maintenance of a constitution as the "fundamental principle for the worldly rule of the papal state," did not succeed in winning back his former popularity. The celebrated allocution in a consistory of cardinals, with the determined declaration that he would not wage war with Austria, was generally interpreted as the beginning of a reactionary change. What was the position, then, of the Roman troops and volunteers under the able general Durand which the liberal government had sent to join the army of fighters for independence across the Po? They were looked upon as rebels until Pius himself placed them under the protection of Charles Albert.

« The allocution was the first backward step from the flag of national uprisal. Pius IX, therefore, soon became as much an object of hatred and enmity on the part of the patriots as he had before been their idol. In vain did he nominate the liberal champion Mamiani as president of the ministry, a position which as yet only clericals had held, and the historian Farini as under secretary of state; the feeling that the head of the church had been faithless to the national cause alienated the hearts of the Roman people more and more. He also had to endure the mortification of having his peace proposals rejected by Austria, proud over her new successes at arms. The reactionary coup d'état in Naples was regarded as the direct result of the allocution, and influenced the popular passions more and more against spiritual rule.

« The clever Italian Rossi of Carrara, who had once taught law in Geneva, and had then occupied an influential position in Paris with Louis Philippe and Guizot, and had executed important diplomatic missions, was called by Pius IX to form a constitutional ministry, in order more tightly to seize the reins of government which threatened to slip out of the weak hands of the princes of the church. But, by his energetic measures against the increasing anarchy, Rossi so drew upon himself the hatred of the Roman democrats that at the opening of the chambers he was murdered on the steps of the senate on the very spot upon which Cæsar once fell.

« Thereupon the unrestrained populace, led by the democratically inclined Charles Lucien Bonaparte, surrounded the Quirinal and forced the pope, through threats, to name a radical ministry, in which the advocate Galletti and the old democrat Sterbini had the greatest influence, next to Mamiani who had been recalled. From that time law and order disappeared from the holy city. The chamber of deputies was without power, and became so weakened by the withdrawal of many members that it was scarcely competent to form legal resolutions; the democratic popular club, together with the rude mob of Trastevere, controlled matters. Many cardinals withdrew; Pius IX was guarded like a prisoner.

« Enraged at these acts and threatened as to his safety, the pope finally fled to Gaeta, in disguise, aided by the Bavarian ambassador Count Spaur. Here he formed a new ministry and entered a protest against all proceedings in Rome. This move procured at first the most complete victory for the republican party in the Tiberian city. A new constitutional assembly was summoned, which in its first sitting deprived the papacy of its worldly authority, established the Roman republic, and resolved to work for the union of Italy under a democratic-republican form of rule. A threat of excommunication from the pope was met with scorn by the popular union. A provisory government under the direction of three men undertook the administration of the free state, while the constitutional assembly laid hands on the church lands in order to form small farms out of them for the poor, and Garibaldi organised a considerable militia out of insurrectionary volunteers and democrats.

« Garibaldi of Nice (born July 4th, 1807) was a bold insurrectionary leader who had wandered about in America and elsewhere as a political refugee for a long time, and who, on his return to his native country, had taken an active part in the struggle of the Piedmontese and Lombards against Austria. The unfortunate outcome of the renewed war in upper Italy, which had brought a large number of refugees to Rome, and the arrival of Mazzini, who for so long had been the active head of the "young Italy" party and the soul of the democratic propaganda, increased the revolutionary excitement in Rome. The union of revolutionary forces determined the powers protecting the papal states, whose help the pope had summoned, to common action and armed intervention.» (HH, IX, p.595-597)

« The French restore the pope. While the Austrians after severe battles took possession of Bologna and Ancona, the Neapolitans from the south entered Roman territory, and a French army under General Oudinot, the son of the marshal, landed in Civita Vecchia and surrounded Rome, which was in a state of intense excitement. It was in vain that the French declared they came as friends, to protect order and legal liberty, to prevent Austrians and Neapolitans from occupying the papal state and its capital, and to forestall a counter revolution in favour of a reactionary and clerical movement; the democrats rejected the proffered hand of peace and propitiation, and prepared an obstinate opposition to the attacking enemy. The first assault of the French failed. May 2nd, 1849. After a brave fight against the insurgents, who were well placed and well armed, Oudinot, with severe losses, had to retreat to the sea and await reinforcements. In order to separate their opponents the triumvirs then entered into negotiations with the French general and decided on an eight days' truce, which Garibaldi made good use of to attack the Neapolitan troops near Velletri and drive them back over the border (May 19th). Oudinot now began a new attack. But this time also they met with determined resistance at the Pancrazio gate and in other places that they did not finally gain possession of the city, under treaty, until after weeks of sanguinary fighting (July 3rd). The barricades were at once cleared, the provisory government dissolved, and a foreign military rule established.

« Garibaldi with his faithful followers climbed over the Apennines and after a thousand dangers and adventures escaped in a little boat to Genoa and from there to America. Of his companions the greater part fell into the hands of the Austrians; some of them were shot, others imprisoned in Mantua. Mazzini escaped to Switzerland, and when he was driven out from thence went to England where he continued his agitations. Pope Pius remained for a long time in his voluntary exile, and persevered in his anger towards the ungrateful city. Not until April, 1850, did he return. Quiet was preserved in Rome by a French garrison; only the bands of robbers who roamed through the country under desperate leaders bore testimony to the deep decay of social organisation, and to the impotency of the government.» (HH, IX, p.597-598)

The heaven obscure all of a sudden in Flanders: « The influences of the French Revolution of 1830 were first felt in the adjoining country of Belgium. For the last decade no little inflammable material had collected there, and an explosion had long been prophesied. In order to have a stronger bulwark against the encroachments of France in the north, the congress of Vienna had decreed that southern Belgium should be united with northern Holland as an increase of territory under the house of Orange. In this way the hegemony of Holland was recognised, while Belgium was viewed as a sort of tributary province and treated accordingly; this, in spite of the fact that two-thirds of the population belonged to Belgium and only one-third to Holland. For more than two centuries each of these two countries had been independent of the other, with the exception of a few years under the Napoleonic rule. Belgium remained first under Spanish, later under Austrian dominion; Holland, while yet a young republic, rose to a maritime power of the first rank and ruled over an enormous colonial territory. In the humanities and the art of painting she had been the rival of Germany and Italy. These grievances might have been settled in the states-general. But here also the Belgians were at a disadvantage; for, in spite of their large majority of population, they had no more delegates than the Hollanders — fifty-five for each state. While the Dutch delegates stood like a solid phalanx, the Belgians, not being so united, and some of them having been drawn to the side of the government, could accomplish nothing. Another cause for disagreement between the two states was their material interests, although the king from self-interest did all he could to further industrial enterprises. Belgium was made to share the enormous debt of Holland, and was burdened with imaccustomed taxes (for instance on bread and meat) in order to discharge it. This last-named tax exasperated the populace in the highest degree, and in consequence the opposition succeeded in 1829 in electing delegates to the states-general, who were nearly all liberals. The king on his journey through the Belgian cities, where he was joyfully welcomed, allowed himself to be deceived as to the real sentiment of the country. At the reception of the civic authorities in Liège he declared that he knew now what to think of the ostensible grievances, and that he saw in them only the designs of a few who had their own separate interests to advance - " such behaviour was simply infamous ! " At once an order was formed in Flanders, the home of the clericals, whose members wore a medal with the inscription " Fidèles jusqu'à l'infamie ". The excitement was heightened by a message to the states-general of December 11th, 1829, which clearly betrayed the absolutism of the king, and by a circular of the minister of justice, Van Maanen, and the minister of the interior to all their subordinates, ordering them to give at once a formal declaration of their assent to the principles of the message. The Dutch were jubilant over the blow which had been struck against the Belgians. The latter in the press protested against the manifesto of despotism against liberty, and placed Van Maanen, the soul of the ministry, on a par with Polignac. There were even then hints of a separation of Belgium from Holland and a separate constitution and administration of the country. What did it avail that the government, in order to curry favour with the Belgian opposition, now made a few concessions in regard to the grievances of the language and the press, and abolished the college of Louvain! Its true character had been only too clearly shown and been made more unpopular than before by its dismissal of officials and punishment of authors; among the latter was De Potter, who had suggested the formation of a confederacy in order that all the members thereof might be secure from all violent measures. He was arrested and sentenced, in April, 1830, to eight years of exile. Hardly arrived in Aix-la-Chapelle on his journey to Lausanne, he was informed of the events of the July week in Paris, went to France, and, settling in Paris, put himself into communication with his friends in Brussels.» (HH, XIV, p.48-50)

« The desire to rid Belgium of an anti-national government, after the example of France, was very obvious, and it was hoped that the July monarchy and the enthusiasm of the French people might be depended upon. De Potter's most intimate friend, Gendebien, went to Paris, in order to arrange for a union of his native country with France and to offer a Belgian contingent in the contest for the Rhine boundaries. But Louis Philippe had no desire to risk the throne he had just mounted by a war of conquest, and refused the offer. Thereupon Gendebien and his friends tried to arouse popular demonstration in order to force France to occupy Belgium, in case Prussia should aid Holland. They were quite open in their undertaking, even going so far as to advertise by posters: " Monday, fireworks; Tuesday, illumination; Wednesday, revolution! "

« Meanwhile what course did the officials pursue in order to calm the excitement? On August 25th, 1830, they permitted the presentation at Brussels of the opera La Muette de Portici - which glorifies tne rebellion of the Neapolitans against Spanish rule, led by the fisherman Masaniello. Every allusion to domestic affairs was applauded to the echo; and in the streets outside, crowds of the lower classes shouted, " Hurrah for De Potter, down with Van Maanen! "

« At the close of the opera the crowds attacked the residences of the ministerial editor Libri and of Van Maanen. One was totally wrecked, the other burned to the ground. During the night all shops where weapons were for sale were plundered; the work of destruction was continued on the 26th, the tricolour of Brabant raised on the city hall, and the royal arms demolished. On the increase of this rioting among the lowest classes the citizens arose, formed a civic guard, suppressed the anarchy, arranged for a meeting of the most prominent men on the 28th of August, and decided to send a deputation to the king asking him to change the prevailing system of government, to dismiss his cabinet, and to call at once a meeting of the states-general.

« The uprising spread quickly over the whole country, was successful everywhere, and only a very few fortresses were able to withstand it. But the king, like Charles and Polignac, had no idea of making concessions, until Belgium should be subdued once more. He sent his eldest son, the prince of Orange, to Brussels, to study the real state of affairs; and his second son, Prince Frederick, to Antwerp, to raise troops. At the same time he called the states-general to the Hague for an extraordinary session on September 13th. His plan was to prolong the situation in this way and occupy Brussels in the meantime. He declared to the deputation that he could not be driven by force to dismiss Van Maanen.» (HH, XIV, p.50-51)

« The situation was made worse by the attitude of the Dutch. They were more royal than the king himself, and thus urged on the quarrel between the two nationalities. In the Dutch papers it was said that rebel blood was not fraternal blood; the time for negotiations had passed: therefore, " War to rebels and assassins! " The states-general opened on September 13th. The speech from the throne was very indefinite about the separation of Belgium and Holland. The Dutch delegates had nothing but force of arms to suggest. Although it had been possible before the opening of the states-general to establish on September 11th a committe of safety, for the preservation of the dynasty and public order," totally different forces assumed control on receipt of the news from the Hague. Hordes of revolutionists and unemployed labourers came from the other cities of Belgium and from Paris, resolved to fight out the old quarrel in the streets of Brussels. On the 20th of September they took possession of the city hall, disarmed the citizen guard, drove out the committee of safety, and restored to the populace the power which had passed from them to the citizens on August 27th. Even the Belgian representatives now implored the king to employ force of arms against this dominion of the working class. Prince Frederick was commanded to advance from Vilvorde against Brussels. He issued a proclamation in which he promised general amnesty, but threatened " the ringleaders of these much too criminal actions " with heavy punishment. He appeared on September 23rd before Brussels with 10,300 troops and twenty-six cannon, achieved a few trifling advantages in the beginning, entered the city, but encountered such serious obstacles in the barricades and the firing from the houses that he withdrew to the park. On the 26th, as his greatly fatigued troops were being surrounded and attacked on all sides, and as ammunition was giving out also, he was forced to retreat to Vilvorde. Among those who led the arrangements for defence in these strenuous days may be especially mentioned the brave sub-lieutenant Pletinckx and the Spaniard Juan van Halen.

« The object of the revolution was decided with this battle, at the cost of much bloodshed. The idea of a personal union did not suffice, the dynasty of Orange was no longer possible; only a complete severance of Belgium from Holland, only the establishment of an independent state could now satisfy the Belgian people, whether of high or low degree. The provisional government, in which a seat was given to De Potter, who returned on September 20th, laboured with this end in view. With the news of the victory, victory itself spread all over Belgium; the Dutch garrisons and officials were driven out. The Belgian troops, relieved of their oath by the provisional government, went over to the people, only the cities of Luxemburg, Venlo, Maestricht, and Antwerp remaining in the power of the Dutch. The Dutch government now yielded at last. The states-general on September 28th declared in favour of a separate administration of Belgium; the king gave his sanction on October 4th, and sent the prince of Orange to Antwerp. The latter announced the separation of the two countries, proclaimed liberty of education and unconditional amnesty, and even offered to place himself at the head of the movement and acknowledge the resolutions of the Belgian congress. As his father, however, disapproved of these arbitrary measures, at the same time seeking to arouse civil war in Belgium, the son was also regarded with suspicion, and his proposals were rejected; whereupon he went to London, where the delegates of the great powers were just then assembling for a conference. Not long after this, about eight thousand volunteers under the French general Mellinet advanced upon Antwerp. Two officers who had distinguished themselves in the park combats, Niellon and Kessels, were assigned to him as commanders; the former had lately been the director of a children's theatre, the latter had travelled about the country exhibiting the skeleton of a whale. Fortune favoured them in the theatre of war also. The Dutch troops were driven out of the city of Antwerp, and General Chassé was obliged to withdraw into the citadel. From here, when the Belgians were preparing to attack him, he bombarded the city with all his batteries for several hours, destroying more than two hundred houses and setting fire to merchandise to the value of several millions. Venlo also fell into the hands of the Belgians; so that now only Maestricht, Luxemburg, and the citadel of Antwerp were in the power of the Dutch.

« The independence of Belgium was already an established fact. The truce proposed by the London conference and the boundary line as it existed before the union of the two states were accepted by the provisional government, and the national congress convened on November 10th decreed the perpetual exclusion of the house of Orange. The political constellations were favourable to the Belgians; since, of the Eastern powers usually so eager to intervene, Russia was wholly occupied with the suppression of the Polish revolution, and Austria had to keep watch on Italy. From the Western powers, moreover, there was nothing to fear; a more liberal tendency prevailed in England since the fall of Wellington, and Louis Philippe was so little able to proceed against Belgium that he declared, on the contrary, that he would brook no intervention there. Thus the Belgians became masters in their own house. On the question of the future form of government, De Potter, who had republican views, withdrew from the majority and retired into private life. The congress declared itself in favour of a constitutional monarchy by 174 votes; only thirteen were in favour of a republic. On February 13th the constitution, based on the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a senate and house of representatives, was unanimously adopted by the congress. The crown was first offered to the second son of Louis Philippe, the count of Nemours. His father, rightly foreseeing that the other powers would never consent to such an aggrandisement of French influence, declined the offer, and now the duke of Leuchtenberg, a son of the former viceroy Eugène seemed to have the best prospects. But this grandson of Napoleon was such an unwelcome neighbour to Louis Philippe that he strained every nerve to defeat his election, and withdrew his objections to the choice of his son. On February 13th, the duke de Nemours was elected king by a small majority. But Louis Philippe for the second time declined the Belgian crown. His principal object had been attained by the defeat of the Leuchtenberg prince, and he knew that the London conference had decided against his son. A new choice was necessary, and it could not have been a better one. It fell, on June 4th, upon Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who had brilliantly distinguished himself in the wars for freedom.» (HH, XIV, p.52-54)

When the monarch shall chase her nephew: « Ferdinand VII of Spain. Ferdinand felt himself too strongly ruled by the absolutist faction and he feared moreover the projects the latter seemed to be forming in connection with his brother, the infante Don Carlos, for whom they hoped for a more complete devotion. Ferdinand appeared equally indifferent or undecided in regard to the members of his family. On March 29th, 1830, when his young wife Maria Christina of Naples was pregnant, he issued a "pragmatic sanction" proclaiming as a law of the state a resolution of King Charles IV, made in accord with a demand of the cortes of 1789, abolishing the Salic law instituted in 1713 by Philip V, and thus re-established the right of women to inherit the throne of Spain; but he afterwards showed no predilection for the young princess Maria Isabella Louisa, who was born in July of the same year. Again he assembled the most devoted partisans of his brother Don Carlos about his throne, and when an attack of the gout brought him to the edge of the tomb in September, 1832, he signed a decree revoking the new law of succession. Then, returned to life again, he placed the infante Don Carlos at a distance, drove away the ministers who had wrung the fatal signature from his feeble hand and denounced their odious manneuvres; and as though to protect himself against new obsessions he placed the government in the hands of the queen, his wife, until his health should be restored. He let her publish decrees of amnesty for political criminals, take measures to destroy the existence of the voluntary royalists, reduce the privileges of the council of Castile; then, for fear of seeing her advance too rapidly in the way of reforms, he had her announce in a manifesto of December that he did not intend to introduce the slightest innovation into the constitutional laws of the monarchy, nor to change anything that was established. On January 4th, 1833, he announced that, as his health was sufficiently recovered, he had reassumed the reins of government. The day before, so that they might receive full authenticity, the queen placed in the archives the act of the cortes of 1789 and the revolution of Charles IV in regard to the abolition of the Salic law. In spite of his antipathy towards innovators Ferdinand felt that it was necessary to constitute a political force around the cradle of his daughter.» (HH, X, p.393-395)

« Rise of Carlism. Though Ferdinand while alive had been accumulating legal acts in favour of direct descent, he had attached more and more importance to obtaining the acquiescence of his brother Don Carlos in his sovereign will. He had sent a royal order asking when he thought of recognising the already proclaimed heiress. Don Carlos, not to be behindhand, profited by this to take up a definite position as claimant in the eyes of the public. He wrote his brotner a letter which he hastened to make public, in which these words were found:

You ask whether or not I intend recognising your daughter as princess of the Asturias ? My conscience and honour will not permit this. My rights to the crown, if I survive you, or you leave no male posterity, are so legitimate that I need not enumerate them. These rights were given by God when he willed my birth, and he alone can take them away by granting you a son, an event that I desire perhaps even more than you. Moreover, I am defending the rights of all those who come after me. Thus I find myself obliged to send you the enclosed declaration, of which I send a formal copy to you and other sovereigns, to whom I hope you will communicate it.
Adieu, very dear brother of my heart. I am always yours, always yours lovingly, and you are ever present in the prayers of your most affectionate brother,
Carlos.

The declaration was thus worded :

Sire:
I, Carlos-Maria-Isidoro de Bourbon, infante of Spain, am thoroughly convinced of my legitimate rights to the Spanish throne in case of my surviving you, or your not leaving male issue. I say that my conscience and my honour will not permit me to swear to or recognise any other rights, and this 1 declare.
Your affectionate and faithful servant,
Ramalhao, April 29th, 1833.
Don Carlos, Infante.

In answer to this declaration Ferdinand wrote to his brother saying that, without dreaming of violating his conscience, he nevertheless must forbid his returning to Spain, '' for very serious political reasons and in consideration of the country's laws." He could not, he continued, make the declarations to foreign kings, basing his refusal on the principle that foreign governments ought not to interfere in interior state affairs. The salutations used were always full of an affectionate tenderness that formed a curious contrast to the real purport of the letters.

Don Carlos submitted to the banishment imposed, but had no idea of leaving Portugal, so as soon as an order came to go to Italy, he busied himself with reasons for not doing anything of the kind, not openly refusing that obedience which he had always affected to owe his brother, but inventing a crowd of pretexts for not rendering it. The now published correspondence between the two brothers on this occasion shows, on the infante's part, a series of successive inventions to excuse his stay in Portugal, and from the king a refutation of the vain pretexts advanced, and a constant endeavour to remove obstacles to departure. Ferdinand, at length, left off using a tone of fraternal love and spoke as an annoyed king, desiring his brother to say whether he intended to obey or not. The answer was proud and disdainful. Don Carlos said if he left Portugal, he would have the air of a fugitive who had committed some crime: that he declined to put himself in such a shameful position, and, if really guilty, demanded a trial according to the laws of the realm (July, 1833) From this date Don Carlos led a party quite in opposition to his sovereign, although keeping up an appearance of not stirring up civil war before his brother's death. He began to gather round him in his little court at Ramalhao, then at Mafra and Coimbra, all those who had refused their oath to Princess Isabella. Inflammatory pamphlets went thence in every direction to spread doubt in men's minds as to the legality of Ferdinand's testamentary arrangements. A few active men were already engaged in raising army corps. Baron Los Valles was sent into France and England to convince those two governments of the justness of the claim put forth by the Spanish infante.» (HH, X, p.395-396)

« War of the Christinos and the Carlists. Scarcely had King Ferdinand VII closed his eyes, when the apostolic party in northern Spain, especially in Navarre and the Basque provinces, proclaimed Don Carlos, brother of the king, as King Charles V. In order successfully to oppose the Carlists, who fought for absolutism and priesthood, there was nothing for the regent, Maria Christina, to do but to throw herself into the arms of the liberal party. Thus the seven years' war between Carlists and Christinos grew out of a fight for the throne into a civil war and a battle for principles. The Carlists had the upper hand to start with, owing to the ability of their general, Zumalacarregui, against whom the Christinos could place no equally matched leader. From Portugal, where Don Carlos was residing with his beloved nephew, Don Miguel, this general threatened the frontiers of Spain. Hence Christina turned to England and France, and the Quadruple Alliance of April 22nd, 1834, was concluded between these states and Spain and Portugal, the object of which was to maintain the constitutional throne of Isabella and of Maria da Gloria and to drive out the two pretendants, Carlos and Miguel. Still, in that same year, these two men, who enjoyed the favour of the eastern powers and of the pope to a high degree, were obliged to leave Portugal. Carlos went to England in June, on an English ship, but he escaped again in July, and, after an adventurous journey through France, appeared suddenly in Navarre to reanimate the courage of his followers by his royal presence. The war was carried on with passion and cruelty on both sides. After the death of Zumalacarregui, who lost his life on June 14th, 1835, at the siege of Bilbao, the Christinos, who exceeded in numbers, seemed to have the advantage. But they could accomplish little against the restless Cabrera, who had just received his first ecclesiastical orders, and had gone over into the camp of the pretender. He was a most able guerilla leader. The turning-point came first when the command of the Christino army was intrusted to Espartero. He conquered the Carlists in 1836 in a bloody battle at Luchana, hastened to the relief of the capital when the Carlists advanced to the vicinity of Madrid in 1837, and compelled Carlos to retreat. To these losses was added discord in the camp itself. The pretender, wholly lacking in competence and independence, was the tool of his camarilla, who in the choice of a general paid more attention to a knowledge of the catechism than of the arts of war and displaced the most able leaders to put up their own creatures in their stead. The new general, Guergué, was beaten several times by Espartero in 1838, which gradually cooled the enthusiasm of the northern provinces. He was deposed and the chief command given to the crafty Maroto, who, as an enemy of the camarilla could have maintained himself against their continual attacks only by gaining great victories. Since he could not win these against the superior force of Espartero, he concluded the Treaty of Vergara with him on August 3lst, 1839, according to which he went over to the Christinos with his army and obtained in return an amnesty and the confirmation of the freedom of Basque and Navarre. With this, the cause of Don Carlos was hopelessly lost. The latter went to France in September [1839] with many of his followers, and had to pass six years under police supervision in the city of Bourges. Not until 1845, after he had transferred all his pretensions to his eldest son, the count of Montemolin, did he receive permission to depart, whereupon he betook himself to Italy. He died at Trieste on March 10th, 1855. His followers continued to fight for some time longer in Catalonia under Cabrera. But they also were overpowered by Espartero, and in July, 1840, with a force of about eight thousand men, were obliged to flee to France, where they were kept under supervision. The civil war was now at an end, but the strife continued. Espartero, entitled duke of victory (Vittoria) was the most influential and the most popular personage in Spain, with whom everyone, even the queen-regent, had to reckon.» (HH, X, p.396-398)

Therefore, the monarch ( = the queen-regent, Maria Christina, the word monarch signifying the sole ruler in Greek) shall chase her nephew ( = the count of Montemolin, the eldest son of Don Carlos, her brother-in law ).

Their men of Church shall give rise to scandal: « The reign of terror. A famous society, that of the exterminating Angel, had extended its roots over the whole country under the direction of a former regent, the bishop of Osma, and was moving all the apostolics of the peninsula as by a single mind. It had relations with the principal bishops to whom several owed their offices; its ramifications crept into all the monasteries, and much more violent than its French chapter it preached the extermination of all the liberals. The military commissions set to work with a new activity aided by a mass of regulations whose laconism and hypocrisy were only equalled by their vigour and violence. They had the power of condemning to death all who were guilty of lèse-majesté, that is to say all who declared themselves opposed to the rights of the king or in favour of the constitution. With the help of this ambiguous phrase, any writer who put into print any words in which the rights of Ferdinand were doubted, anyone who in any manner whatever had co-operated in the revolution of 1820-1823; anyone who kept in his house a copy of the constitution, a portrait of Riego, any souvenir whatso-ever of the illustrious exiles living in a foreign country, anyone who by a shout or word, spoken even in drunkenness, showed hatred of tyranny - any of these could be found guilty of lèse-majesté. A decree bearing the date of October 9th, 1824, which through some expiring sentiment of modesty was not inserted in the official gazette, but nevertheless was applied with care, suppressed all of the laws and delivered the lives of all citizens over to those tribunals. A premium was put upon information and a secret police penetrated into every household in order to divine the secret of consciences and to purge Spain of all the liberal element. Not age, sex, virtue, or poverty were protection against these terrible commissions; wealth alone sometimes saved from death. He who had some fortune bought his life with the greatest part of his property. The commission of Madrid, presided over by a fierce brute named Chaperon, who acquired the melancholy honour of giving his name to the whole epoch, surpassed all its rivals in the number of condemnations and severity of sentences. It sent to the scaffold all those in whose homes portraits of Riego were discovered, and to the galleys the women and children who committed the crime of not denouncing their husbands or fathers. More than one well-born woman thrown into infamous prisons with the most odious criminals died of despair in the midst of the unjust abjection to which she saw herself reduced. Chaperon, like all the judges who consented to make themselves the devoted instruments of social hatred, rejoiced in the midst of the terror which his name inspired, and under the general torpor that it created. He assisted at executions in full uniform; they were fête days for him, and on one occasion, anxious to hasten the execution of one of his condemned (it was a national militiaman who had taken part in the defence of Madrid, the 7th of July, against the revolted guards), he pulled, himself, the legs of the poor victim already hanging from the fatal gibbet, and this exploit finished, retired, proud to have exercised the functions of executioner and judge.» (HH, X, p.379-380)

Discussion:
The monarch and his/her nephew are identified with Louis-Philip and the duke of Bordeaux by Torné-Chavigny (1861, p.266), but it is impossible, because the latter is not his nephew, being the son of the duke and duchess of Berry, the last being his niece (cf. §605, X-69).

The monarch and his/her nephew are identified with Ferdinand VII and the count of Montemolin by Luni (1998, p.157), but it is not pertinent, because the final Carlist war took place after the death of Ferdinand VII.
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§ 628. Spanish marriages ending Louis-Philip

19th century:
§628. Spanish marriages ending Louis-Philip (1846-1848): IX-30.

IX-30:
At the port of PVOLA and of saint Nicolas,
Shall perish Normande in the fanatical abyss,
Cap. of Byzantium in revolution crying alas,
The relief of Gades and of the grand Philippic.


(Au port de PVOLA & de saict Nicolas,
Perir Normande au goulfre Phanaticque,
Cap. de Bisance raves crier helas,
Secors de Gaddes & du grand Philipique.)

Keys to the reading:
PVOLA: for Pola, Pula in Latin. « Pola, city of Istria with a port, colony of the people of Colchis, Georgia, its name signifying in their language 'banished person' » (Moréri, cité Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.263). The banished person here means Louis-Philip in exile;

Saict Nicolas: = « Nicolas (Saint), elected bishop of Mysia [Myra] in Lycia in the beginning of the fourth century at haphazard and to a miracle in its vacancy... He was taken and drived into exile during the persecution by Licinius.» (Moréri, cité Torné-Chavigny, id.). This is a historical metaphor for Louis-Philip, elected king of the French in an illegitimate way and exiled then also. Another parallel expression of the quatrain IX-59 (§523): « Nicol tenu rouge, Nicol taken as revolutionary» also designates Louis-Philip;

Normande: Designates Louis-Philip as les Normans de France & Picardie (§618,VI-16) signifying the d'Orleans, whose domain of family is found at Eu, the only city of Normandy and Picardy (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.12-13; 1861, p.263);

The fanatical abyss: The July revolution;

Cap.: An anagram of Capet, cap. (IX-20,IX-30,IX-64) being an ellipsis of cappe, as in IV-11, VIII-19 and IX-26, which is transformed into Capep, then into Capet by changing only one letter. On the other hand, cappe (II-69,V-78) is an anagram of pape in French (pope), by transforming it to papec, then to pape by apocope;;

Byzantium: A historical metaphor for Paris as in I-40, V-80, V-86 and VII-36;

Cap. of Byzantium: Louis-Philip, a Capetian king in Paris;

Raves: Rave, s. f., débordement (overflow), inondation(inundation) (Godefroy) = the fanatical abyss = the July revolution.

Gaddes: Gades, Cadiz, representing Spain;

Le grand Philipique: The descendants of Philip V (Spanish king, 1700-1746), grandson of Louis XIV the Great.

Summary:
At the port of PVOLA and of saint Nicolas, shall perish Normande: « He was obliged to conceal himself, was often suspected, and sometimes had not enough money to supply his needs. When at last he reached the little Norman port which was his destination he found a stormy sea, and could not for a long time get any vessel to take him across the Channel; finally, having disguised himself, he secured a passage from Havre on board an English ship.» (HH, XIII, p.83)

Cap. of Byzantium in revolution crying alas, the relief of Gades and of the grand Philippic [Louis-Philip overthrown regretting the Spanish marriages he thought an aid and reinforcement of his reign in Europe]: « The Spanish Marriages. Queen Christina, then regent of Spain, feeling herself entirely dependent on the liberal party for the preservation of her daughter's throne, and being well aware that it was in France alone that she could find the prompt military assistance requisite to support her against the Carlists, who formed a great majority of the Spanish population, naturally bethought herself of the favourable opportunity presented by the marriageable condition of the princes of one country and the princesses of the other, to cement their union by matrimonial alliances. With this view, although the princesses, her daughters, were as yet too young for marriage, she made formal proposals before 1840 to Louis Philippe for a double marriage, one between the duke d'Aumale, the king's third son, and Queen Isabella, her eldest daughter, and another between the duke of Montpensier, his fourth son, and the infanta Luisa Fernanda, her second daughter. How agreeable soever these proposals were to Louis Philippe, who desired nothing so much as to see his descendants admitted into the family of European sovereigns, he was too sagacious not to perceive that the hazard with which they were attended more than counterbalanced the advantages. It was evident that such a marriage of the duke d'Aumale with the queen of Spain would at once dissolve the entente cordiale with Great Britain, on which the stability of his throne so much depended; for however much the liberal government of England might desire to see constitutional monarchies established in the peninsula, it was not to be expected it would like to see the crown of Spain placed on the head of a French prince. It was already surmised, too, that the cabinet of London had views of its own for the hand of the younger princess. He therefore returned a courteous answer, declining the hand of the queen for the duke d'Aumale, but expressing the satisfaction it would afford him to see the duke of Montpensier united to the infanta.» (HH, XIII, p.77)

« The next occasion on which the subject of the Spanish marriages was brought forward was when Queen Christina took refuge in Paris, during one of the numerous convulsions to which Spain had been subject since the attempt was made to introduce democratic institutions among its inhabitants. Louis Philippe then declared to the exiled queen-regent that the most suitable spouse for her daughter the queen would be found in one of the descendants in the male line of Philip V, king of Spain, the sovereign on the throne when the Treaty of Utrecht was signed. The object of this proposal was indirectly to exclude the pretensions of the prince of Coburg, cousin-german to Prince Albert, whom rumour had assigned as one of the suitors for the hand of the young queen, and at the same time avoid exciting the jealousy of the British government by openly courting the alliance for a French prince. Matters were in this situation, with the question still open, so far as diplomatic intercourse was concerned, but the views and interests of the two cabinets were well understood by the ministers on both sides, when Queen Victoria in the autumn of 1842 paid a visit to the French monarch at the chateau d'Eu in Normandy, which was followed next spring by a similar act of courtesy on the part of Louis Philippe to the queen of England in the princely halls of Windsor. Fortunately the pacific inclinations of the two sovereigns were aided by the wisdom and moderation of the ministers on both sides; and under the direction of Lord Aberdeen and Guizot a compromise was agreed on of the most fair and equitable kind. It was stipulated that the king of France should renounce all pretensions, on the part of any of his sons, to the hand of the queen of Spain; and, on the other hand, that the royal heiress should make her selection among the princes descendants of Philip V, which excluded the dreaded competition of a prince of the house of Coburg. And in regard to the marriage of the duke of Montpensier with the infanta Doña Luisa Fernanda, Louis Philippe positively engaged that it should not take place till the queen was married and had had children (des enfants). On this condition the queen of England consented to waive all objections to the marriage when these events had taken place; and it was understood that this consent on both sides was to be dependent on the hand of the queen being bestowed on a descendant of Philip V and no other competitor.» (id., p.77-78)

« The sagacious Louis Philippe now discovered a certain half-idiotic cousin of Isabella of Spain, deficient in every power both of body and mind [Francisco de Asis (1822-1902)]; and in a secret and underhand manner he celebrated the wedding of this miserable being with the queen; and immediately afterwards that of his son with the handsome, blooming, and wealthy Luisa Fernanda, who, in addition to her present possessions, which were very large, carried to her husband the succession to the Spanish crown, in the absolute impossibility of any issue from her sister's unhappy marriage [1846]. Hard feeling and political opposition were roused by this degrading trickery - and England learned, with a sentiment of regret and compassion, that Guizot, whose talents and character had hitherto commanded her respect, had been deluded by the crowned tempter at his ear to defend his conduct on the quibble that the marriages were not celebrated at the same time - some little interval having occurred between them - and that this was all he had promised. Suspicion and jealousy took the place of the former cordial relations. Losing the fervent friendship of the only constitutional neighbour on whom it could rely, France, like a beggar with its bonnet in its hand, waited at the gates of Austria and Russia, and begged the moral support of the most despotic of the powers. The moral support of Austria and Russia there was but one way to gain, and that was by an abnegation of all the principles represented by the accession of Louis Pnilippe, and an active co-operation in their policy of repression.» (id., p.78)

« At this time the Swiss broke out into violent efforts to obtain a reform. Austria quelled the Swiss aspirations with the strong hand, and took up a menacing attitude towards the benevolent pontiff, Pius IX. France was quiescent; and the opposition rose into invectives, which were repeated in harsher language out of doors. The stout shopkeeper who now occupied the throne of Henry IV thought that all the requirements of a government were fulfilled if it maintained peace with the neighbouring states. Trade he thought might flourish though honour and glory were trampled under foot. He accordingly neglected, or failed to understand, the disaffection of the middle class, whose pecuniary interests he was supposed to represent, but whose higher aspirations he had insulted by his truckling attempts to win the sympathy of the old aristocracy and the foreign despots. Statesmen like Thiers and Odilon Barrot, when the scales of office fell from their eyes and the blandishments of the sovereign were withdrawn, perceived that the parliamentary government of the charter had become a mockery, and that power had got more firmly consolidated in royal hands under these deceptive forms than in the time of the legitimate kings. A cry therefore suddenly rose from all quarters, except the benches of the ministry, for electoral and parliamentary reform; and there was also heard the uniformly recurring exclamation, premonitory of all serious disturbance, for a diminution of the taxes. The cries were founded on justice, and urged in a constitutional manner. Corruption had entered into all the elections; parliamentary purity had become a byword under the skilful manipulation of the purse-bearing king; and the expenses of the country far exceeded its income, owing to the extravagant building of forts and palaces, with which, in the years of his prosperity, he had endeavoured to amuse the people.» (id., p.78-79)

The quatrain IX-7 (§612) has said: [Il] ne pourra prouvé, si mieux doibt estre roy Breton ou Normand (he shall not be able to judge, which should be better, to be a king of France favorable to England, or one confronted with her). This uncertainty of Louis-Philip is also evident in his forced policy of Spanish marriages, where it was evident that such a marriage of the duke d'Aumale with the queen of Spain would at once dissolve the entente cordiale with Great Britain, on which the stability of his throne so much depended.
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 629.Prompt flight of Louis-Philip

19th century:
§629. Prompt flight of Louis-Philip (1848): VI-14.

VI-14:
Far away from his soil the King shall lose the battle,
A prompt fugitive pursued heading taken.
The ignorant taken under the golden mesh,
In the guise of feigned costume and the enemy surprised.


(Loing de sa terre Roy perdra la bataille,
Prompt eschappé poursuivy suivant prins
Ignare prins soubz la doree maille,
Soubz fainct habit & l'ennemy surprins.)

Keys to the reading:
His soil: Paris, the royal siege;

The ignorant: The king who did not know his utmost defeat;

The enemy surprised: The enemies in pursuit of Louis-Philip were surprised at the ex-king's success in evading themselves at last.

Summary:
Far away from his soil the King shall lose the battle: «The king Louis-Philip, warned by Crémieux that the riot approached, got out of the Tuileries, accompanied by the queen Marie-Adélie and by the generals Dumas and Rumigny, via the portal of an underground that led from his apartments to the garden of the Tuileries. He saved himself in disguise till Dreux, thence to Honfleur, then to Le Havre» (Muel, 1895, p.216-217). « He stopped in Dreux for several hours; he believed the regency accepted and had nothing to worry about, for his grandson was reigning. All of a sudden, the duke of Montpensier appeared, he brought the fatal news: the regency had been rejected (Alexandre Dumas, Louis Philippe).» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860,p.66)

This battle, concerning the final option of a dynasty or a republic, cannnot be that of real fighting, because « like Charles X, Louis Philippe abdicated in favour of a child, his grandson, the count de Paris. The battle at this moment was brought to an end by its most bloody episode: the attack on the château d'Eau opposite the Palais Royal. By two o'clock the people had earned the victory. Louis Philippe and his family fled from the Tuileries.» (HH, XIII, p.82-83)

A prompt fugitive: « Louis-Philip, who, at eleven o'clock in the morning, believed having made much concession in nominating ministers Odillon-Barrot and Thiers, took, at noon, in the place of the Concorde, on a hackney carriage that brought him away far from Paris. (Guy)» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.27)

A prompt fugitive pursued heading taken. The ignorant taken, In the guise of feigned costume: « The duchess of Orleans followed the old king into exile. The latter was going abroad like Charles X, but he had more to make him anxious. He was obliged to conceal himself, was often suspected, and sometimes had not enough money to supply his needs. When at last he reached the little Norman port which was his destination he found a stormy sea, and could not for a long time get any vessel to take him across the Channel; finally, having disguised himself, he secured a passage from Havre on board an English ship.» (HH, XIII, p.83)

Under the golden mesh: « The horse the king mounted was totally caparisoned with fringe of gold (Alexandre Dumas, Louis Philippe) » (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.28)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.

§ 630.Republican revolution; Appearance of Louis-Napoleon

19th century:
§630. Republican revolution; Appearance of Louis-Napoleon (1848): VII-43.

VII-43:
When they shall see the two unicorns,
The one declining, the other lowering,
People in the midst, a pillar at the bounds,
Shall flee the nephew smiling.


(Lors qu'on verra les deux licornes
L'une baissant l'autre abaissant,
Monde au milieu, pilier aux bornes
S'en fuira le neveu riant.)

Keys to the reading:
Unicorn (licorne): « A horn is often considered as emblem of the power and the monarchy in the Holy Scriptures.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860,p.86);

The two unicorns: « represent the two powers of the government of 1830, the executive Power and the legislative Power» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.87);

A pillar: Lamartine (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.89-90);

The nephew: Louis-Napoleon (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.90).

Summary:
The one declining, the other lowering: « The Memories of a bourgeois of Paris says: « The parliamentarians were not satisfied with standing on the rights given by the Charter. They further proceeded to propose and defend a new and fatal political doctrine: the King reigns and does not govern. It was above all those who had elevated Louis-Philip to the throne that refused him the means of governing till the last moment».» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860,p.87)

People in the midst: « When the king decided to abdicate and was seated at his desk to draw up the act, he found himself immediately surrounded by a mass of foreign persons mostly unknown to him, who followed with attention all the movements of his plume; some of them cried brutally to him, "Why, Make haste right away! You will not be able to finish it." (Véron, Memories of a bourgeois of Paris, V. 92)» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,,p.89)

A pillar at the bounds : « [1848.2.25] Lamartine heard the roarings of the people; he knows, as a new Androkles, how to calm this lion. "Citizens ! Listen now to your minister of foreign affairs. If you take off my tricoloured flag from me, you know it well, you take off the half of the exterior force of France from me. For, Europe does not recognize anything other than her defeats and our victories in the flag of the Republic and of the Empire. Europe believes that she is seeing only the flag of a party in seeing the red one. It is the flag of France, it is the flag of our victorious armies, it is the flag of our triumphs that we should raise up before Europe. France and the tricoloured flag, it is the same thought, the same prestige, the same terror if necessary against our enemies. The red flag, I will never adopt it, and I will tell you in a word the reason why I oppose its adoption with all the force of my patriotism. It is because the tricoloured flag has, Citizens, made a tour around the world with the Republic and the Empire, with your liberties and your glories; on the contrary, the red flag has made only a tour of the Champ-de-Mars, trailed in the blood." With this last peroration, or rather with this last image, the anger of the people was appeased to be replaced by enthusiasm. (Al. Dumas)» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.89-90)

Shall flee the nephew smiling: « Februray 27th. About eleven o'clock, it spreads the rumour that the prince Louis-Napoleon has arrived in Paris... He wrote this morning the following letter to the members of the government: "Paris, February 28th, 1848. Gentlemen, The people having destroyed, by its heroism, the last remains of the foreign invasion, I hurried here from my exile in order to range myself under the flags of the Republic you have just proclaimed. Without any other ambition than that of serving my country, I came here to announce my arrival to the members of the provisory government, and to assure them of my devotion to the cause they represent, as of my sympathies with their personalities. Respectfully yours, Napoleon-Louis Bonaparte." (Guy)» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.90)

« Those who have imposed the Republic to France invited Louis-Napoleon to depart. So as to give a proof of his disinterest, the Prince agreed to depart. He made his way again to England, after having made the following response to the government: " Paris, this 29th of February, 1848. Gentlemen, After the thirty-three years of exile and of persecutions, I have acquired, I believe, the right of rediscovering a hearth upon the soil of my fatherland. You think that my presence in Paris is now a subject of embarrassment; therefore I remove myself from here for a while: You will see in this sacrifice the purity of my intentions and of my patriotism. Respectfully yours, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte." Yet, Louis-Napoleon lost only momentarilly by the decision of the provisory government: He even won out there, in the sense that the events and the things that followed one another so rapidly, from this epoch till the month of December, served only to attract upon him more and more public sympathy, and to conquer for him new adherents day after day. (Guy)» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.90-91)
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§ 631.President became a pacific Emperor

19th century:
§631. The President became a pacific Emperor (1848-1852): V-6.

V-6:
The Augur shall come to the king to pray him
To be the leader for the peace of Italy:
The sceptre shall turn to the left hand,
One shall become a pacific Emperor out of the king.


(Au roy l'Augur sus le chef la main mettre
Viendra prier pour la paix Italique:
A la main gauche viendra changer le sceptre
De Roy viendra Empereur pacifique.)

Keys to the reading:
Au roy l'Augur sus le chef la main mettre Viendra prier pour la paix Italique: The construction should be: L'Augur viendra au roy [le] prier [de] mettre la main sus le chef pour la paix Italique;

Mettre la main sus (= sur): Acquérir (to acquire);

The Augur: A metaphor for a most important political adviser. The initials Au representing Autriche (Austria), this adviser is to be identified with Metternich (1773-1859);

To be the leader: To become the leader of Europe like Metternich, i.e. that of the conservative party;

The left hand: Signifying «favorable» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.41);

A pacific Emperor: Louis-Napoleon (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.42).

Summary:
The Augur shall come to the king to pray him to be the leader for the peace of Italy: «At the same time Italy gave to the European conservatives even greater anxieties. The desire for independence and national unity had just taken a new form. The impotence of the revolutionaries and conspirators have been demonstrated by their failures, a peaceful and public propaganda was there pursued now, addressing itself to the educated bourgeoisie and to the princes.The books of Balbo, of the abbot Gioberti, of Massimo d'Azeglio, the personal propaganda of the patriots excited deep the soul of the nation (1843-1846). Austria expelled from the Lombardo-Veneto and compensated in the Turkish Empire, the princes united in a confederation under the presidency of the Pope, the King of Sardinia appointed to be the military leader, these were the confused and passionate hope of the men of this "Risorgimento." It took all of a sudden a meaning, a value, a form, when at the death of Gregory XVI, a conservative Pope, absolutist and reactionary, the cardinals elected a liberal Italian patriot, the Bishop of Imola, Pius IX (June 1846).» (Charléty, 1921b, p.367)

«At once, in a flight of heart, Pius IX proclaimed the amnesty of convicts and political exiles, and unleashed an unheard-of enthusiasm in Rome and all over Italy; an emotion shook Europe. Pius IX had no definite plan, but, pushed by the acclamation of crowds, he continued to give pledges; he promised schools, authorised the meetings of notables in the provinces, the creation of a Roman municipality, a civic guard; he let the political press rise, he projected railways, he announced a civil and a criminal code: Rome got out of the grave. The Duke of Tuscany imitated the Pope and the King Charles Albert of Sardinia, a former Revolutionary always suspect to Metternich, became animated and also promised d'Azeglio to devote himself entirely to the Italian cause. It's like a fire that spreads far and wide. Thus, in 1846, Europe was agitated, which was similar to that of the day after the July Revolution. But the conditions are changed. Louis-Philippe, who has worked throughout his reign to give himself an air of the legitimate king, now knows his duties. There is in Europe a role, that of the leader of the conservative party. Metternich, aged and melancholy, needs a second, will soon have a need of his successor. The time has come for Louis-Philippe and Guizot to decide to accept this legacy, to complete the figure of the monarchy born in the barricades of July, to establish in strength and in duration the conservative government of a legitimated dynasty.» (Charléty, id., p.367-368)

The sceptre shall turn to the left hand, One shall become a pacific Emperor out of the king: « The sceptre shall pass by a favorable augury from Louis-Phlip to Louis-Napoleon, elected president of France in 1848, who shall pronounce the veritable program of the Empire to revive it then, in saying: " The Empire, it is the peace ! " at a dinner given him, on the 9th of October, 1852, by the Chamber of commerce of Bordeaux.» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,,p.40-42)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 632. Remorse of Louis-Philip

19th century:
§632. Remorse of Louis-Philip in his last moments (1850. 8. 26): IX-8.

IX-8:
The king-made next-born his father shall put to death,
After the very dishonest fatal conflict:
Documents appearing a suspicion shall cause remorse,
When the chased wolf lies in his bed.


(Puisnay Roy fait son pere mettra à mort,
Apres conflit de mort tres inhoneste:
Escrit trové soubson donra remort,
Quand loup chassé pose sus la couchette.)

Keys to the reading:
Next-born (puisnay): = the next-born of §598, VI-95: By the detractor [= Louis-Philip] calumny made upon the next born, and of §602, IV-85: the next-born shall stitch the eyelids of his falcon together, the duke of Bordeaux, who was born after the death of his father, duke of Berry, and presumptive successor in principle to the duke of Angoulême, his uncle, successor to Charles X;

His father: for his grandfather in the second sense of père (father in French);

Dishonest: For Louis-Philip. Cf. §591, IV-45: In the conflict against the liberal party the king Charles X shall abandon the sceptre to the duke of Bordeaux, his grandson. The most reverend leader of the Bourbons, the duke of Orleans, shall miss the hope of the one in need;

Documents appearing: « The wolf was chased and lying in his bed of death. Just at this moment appeared several documents concerning the fusion of the two branches of the Bourbons. Louis-Philip suspected that the future of the people and of his family will be in the sincere return to the divine right of the kings, and he reproached himself for his past conduct against the next-born made king put to political death.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1861,p.264-265)

Wolf: Louis-Philip, the term loup in French having in itself lou of Louis and p of Philip, this use for Louis-Philip found twice (here and §604, V-4) in the Centuries, and the other 4 uses of loup being for the constable of France Anne de Montmorency (§20, II-82; §22, III-33) and for the colonialist powers (X-98; X-99).

Summary:
« The last child of the duke of Berry, made king, shall be instantly deprived of his political life by the lack of foresight of Charles X, his grandfather, after the conflict fatal for the elder branch of the Bourbons because of the infamous betrayal of the duke of Orleans. This last, the wolf of 1830, chased from the throne and lying in the bed of death, in reading the documents of the fusionists and in expecting the judgments of God, taken by remorse, shall demand to the mother of his grandson to recognize the rights of the duke of Bordeaux.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1861,p.264)

« Everyone knelt down, but far enough from the bed as what the dying said to the abbot Guelle not to be heard. The confession completed, absolution received, the king turned, and, always with the same cheerfulness: - Well! Now, there you are tranquil. Amelie. - Yes, sir, replied the queen, for now I hope, if God grants me such a good end as yours, we will leave for but a moment, and soon we will be together in the eternity. The king then asked to be alone with the duchess of Orleans, they were left alone and the conversation lasted nearly an hour, nobody was present at the interview, only it is presumed he had intended to break the reluctance that the duchess seemed to feel for the fusion system. What, the king living, was of the policy, was-it not in the dying king a remorse (Al. Dumas (II, 293), cité Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.265)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 633.Louis-Napoleon in the beginning, in the middle and in the end

19th century:
§633. Louis-Napoleon in the beginning, in the middle and in the end (1848-1870): VIII-43.

VIII-43:
On account of the fall of the two bastard things,
The nephew by blood shall occupy the reign.
Into the vehicle shall be the strokes of darts,
The nephew for fear shall fold the ensign.


(Par le decide de deux choses bastars
Nepveu du sang occupera le regne
Dedans lectoyre seront les cops de darts
Nepveu par peur pleira l'enseigne.)

Keys to the reading:
Par (vers 1& 4): Preposition for a cause, a reason (Brunot & Bruneau);

Le decide (the fall): from decido, tomber, déchoir (to fall, to decline) (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.76);

The two bastard things: The July monarchy (1830.8.9-1848.2.24) and the republican government following it (1848.2.24-1848.12.20), « the word bastard being interpreted often as government of fact and without legitimacy» (Torné-Chavigny, id.). In fact, of 8 uses of the word in the Prophecies, 5 refer to such a ruler or government (III-73, III-80, V-15, VIII-43 and IX-19), and 3 are in the proper sense (V-45, VIII-24 and VIII-50);

The nephew by blood: Louis-Napoleon, a genuine nephew of the emperor Napoleon Ist, elected President of the Republic of France on the 20th of December, 1848;

lectoyre: Etymologically the same as lictiere (litière) (litter) (§383, I-3: for the royal litter, a symbol of Louis XVI or of the Bourbon dynasty): « litière, Sänfte (litter), from Gallorom. lectaria to Lat. lectarius (belonging to the rest) » (Gamillscheg). The orthography "lectoire" is more literal than lictiere: : Lat. lectus (rest, bed) (Walde-Hofmann) + oire (suffix for a place) (cf. Vignois, 1910, p.239). A neologism of Nostradamus for an imperial vehicle of Napoleon III, as a modern substitute for a litter (litière);

Cops: = coups (blows, strokes). Another example of cop for coup, cf. VIII-41;

Darts: It having been bombs thrown and flown to the victims like a dart as to the arms striking Napoleon III in 1858;

Pleira: = pliera, by the attraction of a Romance verb: pleiar (Clébert, 2003, p.889);

Summary:
The nephew by blood shall occupy the reign: « The formation of the constitution having been at length concluded, it was finally adopted, on the 4th of November, by a majority of 737 to thirty votes. By the constitution thus adopted, the form of government in France was declared to be republican, the electors being chosen by universal suffrage, and the president in the same way. The right of the working classes to employment was negatived, it being declared, however, that the government, so far as its resources went, was to furnish labour to the unemployed. The punishment of death was abolished in purely political offences. Slavery was to be abolished in every part of the French dominions. The right of association and public meeting was guaranteed; voting, whether for tne representatives or the president, was to be by ballot; the representatives once chosen might be re-elected any number of times. The president required to be a French citizen, of at least thirty years of age, and one who had not lost on any occasion his right of citizenship. He was to be elected for four years, and a simple majority was to determine the election. The president was re-eligible after having served the first four years; he was to reside in the palace of the assembly, and receive a salary of six himdred thousand francs a year. All the ministers of state were to be appointed by the president, who also was to command the armed force, declare peace and war, conduct negotiations with foreign powers, and generally exercise all the powers of sovereignty, with the exception of appointing the judges of the supreme courts in Paris, who were to be named by the assembly, and to hold their offices for life. Disguised under the form of a republic, this constitution was in reality monarchical, for the president was invested with all the substantial power of sovereignty; and as he was capable of being re-elected, his tenure of office might be prolonged for an indefinite period. Though there were several candidates for the high office, yet it was soon apparent that the suffrage would really come to be divided between two - General Cavaignac and Prince Louis Napoleon.» (HH, XIII, p.104-105)

« Both Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and General Cavaignac had exceptional advantages: the first, that of a great name; the second, that of the immense resources with which executive power is necessarily invested. But in addition to the advantage of his name, Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte belonged to no party whatsoever. Isolated between the army of socialism and the "party of order,'' he offered in his very person a sort of compromise. His attitude, his remoteness from the stormy debates of the chamber rendered his conduct conformable with his situation. In his seclusion at Auteuil, he had held conferences with men of all parties. All could place some of their hopes on him, without his binding himself to any single one. He belonged at the same time to the democracy, on account of the worship of the proletariat for the name of Napoleon; to socialism, by a few of his pamphlets; and to the party of order by the religious and military tendencies of his policy: and this is what no one in those times of blindness perceived. In the election of December 10th, 1,448,302 votes were returned for General Cavaignac, whilst Louis Napoleon Bonaparte obtained 5,534,520; Ledru-Rollin had 371,434 suffrages, Raspail 36,964, and Lamartine, who had once been simultaneously elected by ten departments, received a dole of 17,914 votes. The election of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte greatly surpised many zealous minds; and seriously disturbed the dreamers. Like carrion crows wheeling round to seek their route and filling the air with their cries, they were seen raising their heads and scenting the wind, seeking the meaning of an event they could not comprehend. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte appeared upon the scene like Fortinbras at the end of Hamlet. Brutal in fact, his election cut the knot of a thousand intrigues. The people, by their vote, had expressed the idea of a great popular dictatorship which put an end to the quarrels of the citizens, to the subtlety of utopians, to party rancour, and guarded them against the endlessly recurring crises engendered by the parliamentary regime amongst nations with whom sentiment dominates reason, action and discussion. The poll also expressed an ardent desire for unity. The proletariat knows well that what takes place in the republic of barristers and landlords concerns it but little. It was by analogous reasons that Cæsar triumphed in Rome. Having nothing to gain from party struggles, knowing by experience that for them the only result is lack of work, imprisonment, exile, or death, the people always aspire to rise above them. Louis Bonaparte, in his electoral address, was careful to give expression to this thought: "Let us be men of the country," he said, "not men of a party!" Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was proclaimed president of the republic on December 20th at four o'clock, by the president of the national assembly.» (HH, XIII, p.105-107)

Into the vehicle shall be the strokes of darts: « Orsini's attempt to kill the Emperor. The evening of the 14th of January, 1858, at the moment of the arrival of the emperor and empress at the opera, three explosions were heard. Three bombs had been thrown at the emperor's carriage. Cries of grief and horror resounded on all sides. The bursting of the projectiles had injured more than one hundred and forty persons, some of whom were mortally wounded. The carriage of the emperor was broken and one of the horses killed. A terrible anxiety filled the opera house as the royal pair entered their box; both had escaped injury. The police arrested four Italians. It was seen immediately that three of them were but instruments; the fourth, Orsini, was remarquable in every way. His father had perished in 1831 in the insurrection against the pope in which Napoleon III and his elder brother had taken part. The son since his childhood had taken part in all the national Italian conspiracies. In its form the attempt on Napoleon III recalled that of Fieschi under Louis Philippe; but in reality there was a wide gulf between the Corsican bandit of 1835 and the Roman conspirator of 1858. In spite of the horror of a crime which took aim at its object across so many indifferent and unknown victims, Orsini inspired in all those who saw and heard him during his trial an interest which it was impossible to withstand. This man had been actuated solely by an impersonal passion; he was under the spell of a misdirected patriotism. He had chosen as his counsel Jules Favre, who defended him as he wished to be defended, by endeavouring to save, not his head, but his memory as far as it could be saved. A profound impression was made on the audience when Jules Favre, by permission of the emperor, read aloud a letter addressed to the latter by Orsini. The criminal did not ask mercy for himself; he asked freedom for his unhappy country, ''the constant object of all his affections." He did not go so far as to demand that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany - "in the struggles which are perhaps soon to begin. I adjure your majesty,'' he wrote, " to restore to Italy the independence which her children lost in 1849 by the fault of the French themselves (by the war of Rome). Let not your majesty repulse the last wish of a patriot on the steps of the scaffold!" » (HH, XIII, p.132-133)

« Orsini and his accomplices were condemned to death on the 26th of February. Orsini thanked the emperor for having authorised the publication of his letter. His second letter was not less moving than the first. He formally condemned political assassination and disavowed "the fatal aberration of mind" whicn had led him to prepare his crime. He exhorted his compatriots to employ only their abnegation, their devotion, their union, their virtue to deliver their country. He himself offered his blood in expiation to the victims of the 14th of January. The question of the commutation of the penalty was energetically agitated by those about the emperor. Napoleon would have judged such mercy politic if so many victims had not been struck by the instruments of death intended for his own person. Orsini was executed on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices. He died without display as without weakness, crying, " Vive l'Italie! Vive la France!" His death was soon to bring forth happy results to Italy. Before that his crime had had deplorable ones for France. In 1801 the first consul had made the affair of the infernal machine prepared by some royalists a pretext for proscribing a host of republicans. Napoleon III imitated and surpassed his uncle.» (HH, XIII, p.133).

The nephew for fear shall fold the ensign: « [September 1870] The surrender of Napoleon III. At five o'clock all was ended. The emperor sent the following letter to the king of Prussia by one of his aides-de-camp:

Monsieur mon frère:

Not having succeeded in dying in the midst of my troops, nothing remains for me but to deliver my sword into your majesty's hands.

The king replied:

While I regret the circumstances in which we meet, I accept your majesty's sword and beg you to be so good as to name one of your officers furnished with full powers to make terms for the capitulation of the army which has fought so bravely under your command. On my side, I have named General von Moltke for this purpose.

Napoleon III could surrender his person - he was no longer a general; it was not his work to surrender the army. Another was to be entrusted with this mission. Wimpffen, with despair at his heart, was obliged to submit to it. He went over to the enemy's headquarters, to the castle of Bellevue, near Donchery. For three long hours Wimpffen struggled in vain to obtain some modification of the conditions which Moltke had fixed. This cold and inflexible calculator, who had reduced war to mathematical formulas, was as incapable of generosity as of anger. He had decided that the entire army, with arms and baggage, should be prisoners.» (HH, XIII, p.160)

As to the case of Orsini, cf. §644, V-8; §645, V-9; §646, V-10.

As to the Franco-Prussian war, cf. §682(X-30), §683(III-13), §687(V-30), §688(III-69), §689(I-64), §690(VI-33), §691(II-26), §692(V-100), §693(V-81) and §695(VI-34).

Discussion:
Many interpreters tried to set up the word lectoyre as an enigma and then to solve it in superfluous ways. For example, « Charles Nicoullaud [1914, p.201], whose study of Nostradamus appeared in 1914, has the brilliant notion of treating the whole phrase 'dedans Lectoyre' as an anagram and transforming it into 'Sedan le decroyt', that is 'Sedan deposes him'. But this is altogether too clever. That Nostradamus used anagrams to conceal proper names is admitted by every one who has studied the subject, but there is obviously no limit to what you can do in this way with phrases and sentences. Charles A. Ward [1891, p.295f.] made the interesting discovery that Blaew's [Blaeuw's] map, printed in Amsterdam in 1620, shows the meadowland on the opposite side of the Meuse from Sedan inscribed with the names of Grand Torcy and Petit Torcy. Now Lectoyre is the precise anagram, letter for letter, of Le Torcey. Even if this be nothing but a coincidence it is certainly a very happy one.» (Laver, 1952, p.213)

But, the defeat of Napoleon III in Sedan was such a unique one during his whole reign as not to demand a mention of the name of Sedan, in addition to the exposition of the fact of defeat, to mark it. Only a natural perception of the verse 3 associated with one of the most distinct events in his reign in 1858 suffices for its complete interpretation.
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 634.Louis-Napoleon's grand prowess

19th century:
§634. Louis-Napoleon's grand prowess (1840-1858): IV-65.
IV-65:
To the deserter of the grand fortress,
He who shall have abandoned his post :
After him his adversary shall achieve such a grand prowess,
The Emperor a condemned shall be soon executed.


(Au deserteur de la grand forteresse,
Apres qu'aura son lieu abandonné:
Son adversaire fera si grand prouesse,
L'Empereur tost mort sera condemné.)

Keys to the reading:
The deserter of the grand fortress: Louis-Napoleon, who escapes to England in 1846 from the castle of Ham, where he has been imprisoned since 1840 (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.84-85). As to his return to France, cf.§630,VII-43: Shall flee the nephew smiling;

qu'aura: = qui aura;

He who shall have abandoned his post to the deserter: Louis-Philip (Torné-Chavigny, id.);

His adversary: Louis-Napoleon (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.85).;

Son adversaire fera si grand prouesse, L'Empereur tost mort sera condemné: The construction should be: His adversary shall achieve such a grand prowess, [i.e.] the Emperor [;] a condemned shall be soon executed;

A condemned: Orsini.

Summary:
The Strasburg Bonapartist plot: « This ministry [of Molé] had not been in existence two months when the attempt made at Strasburg by Louis Bonaparte took place. The nephew of Napoleon I had been living for some years at the castle of Arenenberg in Switzerland with his mother, and was a captain of artillery in the Swiss army. The continual risings which took place in France, and the letters of his partisans, made him believe that the time had come for attempting, by means of a military revolution, to replace on the throne the Napoleonic dynasty of which he was the head now that the duke of Reichstadt was dead. He had succeeded in opening communications with the garrison of Strasburg. On the 29th of October, 1836, he arrived at Strasburg. The next day at five o'clock in the morning. Colonel Vaudrey presented him to the fourth artillery regiment. For a few moments he succeeded in arousing the enthusiasm of the soldiers who cried "Long live Napoleon ! Long live the Emperor I " But the 46th line regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Taillandier, turned a deaf ear to these outcries and remained faithful to their duty. By order of their commanding officer, the infantry surrounded Louis Bonaparte and took him prisoner. Louis Philippe sent him to America. The other conspirators were brought to trial and acquitted, for the jury were unwilling to pronounce them guilty when the chief culprit had been sent away unpunished.» (HH, XIII, p.70)

Louis-Napoleon's second attempt at a coup d'état: « Louis Philippe left Paris for his castle of Eu, where he had given a rendezvous to MM. Thiers and Guizot for the purpose of discussing Eastern affairs. There he received strange tidings: Louis Napoleon had landed at Boulogne on August 6th, 1840. The latter, since he had transferred his residence to England, had recommenced the same operations as in Switzerland. He believed he could count upon the commander of the departement du Nord, General Magnan, who, later on, was to be one of his chief accomplices on December 2nd. He had even entered into relations with a higher official, Marshal Clausel. He determined to land near Boulogne, purposing to capture the small garrison of that town, to seize the castle, which contained a gun magazine, then to direct his steps towards the departement du Nord, and from thence to Paris. He prepared declamatory proclamations wherein he promised to the soldiers " glory, honour, wealth," and to the people reduction of taxes, order, and liberty. " Soldiers," he said, " the great spirit of Napoleon speaks to you through me. Traitors, be gone, the Napoleonic spirit, which cares but for the welfare of the nation, advances to overwhelm you ! " He asserted that he had powerful friends abroad as well as at home, who had promised to uphold him; this was an allusion to Russia, whose support he believed he possessed and from whom he had very probably received some encouragement. In a sketch of a decree, he named Thiers president of the provisional government, and Marshal Clausel, commander of the Army of Paris. His plans thus laid, he left London by steamer, with General Montholon, several officers, about sixty men, and an eagle, destined to play the part of a living symbol in the forthcoming drama. The expedition landed at night at Vimereux, north of Boulogne, and proceeded to that town. The confederates entered the courtyard of the barracks of the 42nd regiment of the line. A lieutenant, who was for Napoleon, had mustered the men and told them that Louis Philippe reigned no longer; then Louis Bonaparte harangued them. Confused, fascinated, they were beginning to shout " Long live the emperor," when there appeared upon the scene a captain, who, breaking through the confederates, and regardless of their threats, summoned the non-commissioned officers and men to his side. Louis Bonaparte fired a pistol at him, but it missed him and wounded a grenadier; the soldiers rallied round their captain. The confederates left the barracks without delay, and ascended to the castle, but they were unable to break in the doors. None of the townspeople had joined them. The rappel was sounded, and the national guard assembled, but against them. They left the town and retreated to the foot of the column raised in Napoleon's time in honour of the Grande Armée. The national guard and the line regiment advanced upon them. They disappeared. Louis Bonaparte and a few of his followers fled towards the sea and swam to a yawl, in which they attempted to regain their vessel. The national guards opened fire upon the fugitives, several of whom were severely wounded; the yawl capsized and a spent bullet struck Louis Bonaparte. Two of his accomplices perished, one was shot, the other drowned. Louis Bonaparte survived. The pretender was this time arraigned with his accomplices before the court of peers, which condemned him to imprisonment for life (October 6th). He was imprisoned in the castle of Ham, in the same chamber where Polignac had been confined. This non-capital sentence confirmed in effect the abolition of the death penalty in political affairs, which had been implied in the pardon of Barbès. This attempt, even more feebly conceived than that of Strasburg, had thus failed still more miserably. The pretender had made himself ridiculous in the eyes of the enlightened and educated classes, who perused the newspapers and knew the details of his adventures. But it was a great mistake to look upon him now as harmless, and to forget that the majority are not in the habit of reading.» (HH, XIII, p.73-75)

After him his adversary shall achieve such a grand prowess, the Emperor: « Presidential election in 1848. Disguised under the form of a republic, this constitution was in reality monarchical, for the president was invested with all the substantial power of sovereignty; and as he was capable of being re-elected, his tenure of office might be prolonged for an indefinite period. Though there were several candidates for the high office, yet it was soon apparent that the suffrage would really come to be divided between two - General Cavaignac and Prince Louis Napoleon. The door had already been opened to the latter by an election which took place at Paris on the 17th of September, when the young prince was again elected by a large majority. Four other departments in the country had already elected him. On this occasion he no longer hesitated, but accepted his election for the department of the Seine. He took his seat on the 26th of September, and made the following speech on the occasion, which was very favourably received by the assembly:

"After three-and-thirty years of proscription and exile, I at length find myself among you, I again regain my country and my rights as one of its citizens. It is to the republic that I owe that happiness: let the republic then receive my oath of gratitude, of devotion; and let my generous fellow-citizens, to whom I am indebted for my seat in its legislature, feel assured that I will strive to justify their suffrages, by labouring with you for the maintenance of tranquillity, the first necessity of the country, and for the development of the democratic institutions which the country is entitled to reclaim. My conduct, ever guided by a sense of duty and respect for the laws, will prove, in opposition to the passions by which I have been maligned and still am blackened, that none is more anxious than I am to devote myself to the defence of order and the consolidation of the republic."

Both Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and General Cavaignac had exceptional advantages: the first, that of a great name; the second, that of the immense resources with which executive power is necessarily invested.» (HH, XIII, p.105)

« The appeal to the people. The struggle had come to an end; it had been replaced by the terrorising of the conquered. Thirty-two departments were in a stage of siege. Nearly one hundred thousand citizens were captives in the prisons or the fortresses. The casemates of the forts about Paris were overflowmg with prisoners. The examining magistrates proceeded to summary interrogations, after which the persons detained were sent before military commissions. The latter, in accordance with the dossiers of the police and a few words added by the judges to those notes, classed the prisoners in one of these three categories: (1) Persons taken with arms in their hands or against whom grave charges are brought; (2) Persons against whom less grave charges are brought; (3) Dangerous persons. The first category was to be judged summarily by court martial; the second sent before various tribunals; the third deported without sentence. It was under such conditions that the vote on the appeal to the people was proceeded with on the 20th and 21st of December [1851]. The consultative commission instituted by Louis Napoleon on the 3rd of December was entrusted with the counting of the ballot of the appeal to the people. It reported 7,439,216 ayes, 646,737 noes, 36,880 papers rejected. At Paris there had been 132,181 ayes, 80,601 noes, 3,200 rejected papers; 76,000 electors had not voted. On the morning of that day of the year which opened a period so different from that on which many hopes had waited in 1852, a decree had substituted the imperial eagle of Rome for the cock by whicn the constitutional monarchy and the republic recalled ancient Gaul. Another decree announced that the chief of the state was about to take the Tuileries for his residence. Whilst the man of the 2nd of December was installing himself in the palace of the kings, the chief representatives of the republic were driven into exile.» (HH, XIII, p.122-124)

« Napoleon's address at Bordeaux, 1852: Master of himself in the midst of the general enthusiasm, Louis Napoleon was preparing for the great speech which would definitely decide his destiny and the destiny of France. It was made at Bordeaux on the 9th of October, at the close of a banquet which had been given him by the chamber of commerce. Contrary to his custom he went straight to the point: " I say with a frankness as far removed from pride as from false modesty,that never has any nation manifested in a more direct, more spontaneous, more unanimous manner its wish to rid itself of all anxiety as to the future, by strengthening under one control the government which is sympathetic to it. The reason is that this people now realises both the false hopes which lulled it and the perils which threatened it. It knows that in 1852 Society was hurrying to its downfall. It is grateful to me for having saved the ship by setting up only the flag of France. Disabused of absurd theories, the nation has acquired the conviction that its so-called reformers were but dreamers, for there was always an inconsistency, a disproportion, between their resources and the promised results. To bring about the well-being of the country it is not necessary to apply new methods, but to give it, before all else, confidence in the present and security as to the future. These are the reasons why France appears anxious to revert to an empire." The important word had at last been uttered. With insinuating cleverness Louis Napoleon also brought forward the principal objection to the scheme: "There is an apprehension abroad of which I must take note. In a spirit of distrust, certain persons are saying that imperialism means war. I say imperialism means peace. It means peace because France desires it, and when France is satisfied the world is at rest. Glory may well be bequeathed as an inheritance, but not war. Did those princes who were justly proud of being descendants of Louis XIV revive his quarrels? War is not made for pleasure, but by necessity; and in these times of transition when, side by side with so many elements of prosperity, on every hand so many causes of death arise, one may truly say: 'Woe unto him who first gives the signal in Europe for a collision whose consequences would be incalculable.'" Prolonged cheers greeted these sentiments of pacific pride. The enthusiasm became tinged with emotion when the prince, continuing, outlined in superb language the programme of his future government - a stately plan for an edifice never, alas! erected. On the 10th of October the presidential address, "The Bordeaux Speech" as it was promptly dubbed, was telegraphed to Paris. So dignified, conciliatory, and loyal did its language appear, that it instantly produced an emotion which was not artificial or simulated, but profound and sincere, Louis Napoleon visited in rapid succession Angoulême, Rochefort, La Rochelle, and Tours; he made a last halt at Amboise and there, to impress the public fancy by some new and striking act, he set free the imprisoned Abdul-Kadir. At two o'clock in the afternoon of the 16th of October, he arrived in Paris, and was received with full official pomp and circumstance.» (HH, XIII, p.126-127)

THE ACCESSION OF NAPOLEON III : « On December 1st, 1852, at eight o'clock in the evening, in the midst of a thick fog, two hundred carriages, lighted by torchbearers on horseback, crossed the bridge of Boulogne, and went in the direction of the palace of St. Cloud, the windows of which were seen shining from afar; the members of the senate occupied these carriages; they carried the prince-president the decree of the senate which named him emperor. The fête of the proclamation of the empire was very similar to that of the return of the prince-president, and curiosity began to be exhausted: the same flags, the same uniforms, the same people, the same decorations, a smaller crowd in the streets, but more animation in the theme. The new government, by way of a gift to celebrate the joyous accession, delivered from imprisonment and fine those who were condemned for misdemeanours and infractions of the laws covering the press and the book trade: official warnings which had been sent to the journals were considered null and void; there was to be no amnesty; exiles might return "if they acknowledged the national will," that is, if they demanded pardon. A banquet for sixty persons and a simple reception at the residence of the sovereign ended the evening. At midnight a new guest slept in the Tuileries. So began the reign which was to finish at Sedan.» (HH, XIII, p.127-128)

A condemned shall be soon executed: « The evening of the 14th of January, 1858, at the moment of the arrival of the emperor and empress at the opera, three explosions were heard. The police arrested four Italians, three of them were but instruments; the fourth, Orsini, was remarquable. His father had perished in 1831 in the insurrection against the pope in which Napoleon III and his elder brother had taken part. The son since his childhood had taken part in all the national Italian conspiracies. A profound impression was made on the audience when Jules Favre, by permission of the emperor, read aloud a letter addressed to the latter by Orsini. The criminal did not ask mercy for himself; he asked freedom for his unhappy country. He did not go so far as to demand that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany. Orsini and his accomplices were condemned to death on the 26th of February. The question of the commutation of the penalty was energetically agitated by those about the emperor. Napoleon would have judged such mercy politic if so many victims had not been struck by the instruments of death intended for his own person. Orsini was executed on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices.» (HH, XIII, p.132-133).

As to the case of Orsini, cf. §633(VIII-43), §644(V-8),§645(V-9), §646(V-10).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 635.Louis-Napoleon's unheard-of promotion

19th century:
§635. Louis-Napoleon's unheard-of promotion (1848-1870): VIII-53.

VIII-53:
In Boulogne he will want to wash his faults,
He shall not be able in the temple of the Sun,
He shall fly in achieving so honorable things.
In hierarchy none shall have been heightened like him.


(Dedans Bolongne vouldra laver ses fautes,
Il ne pourra au temple du soleil,
Il volera faisant choses si haultes
En hierarchie n'en fut oncq un pareil.)

Keys to the reading:
The construction of the verses 1-3 should be: In Boulogne he will want to wash his faults, He shall not be able; in the temple of the Sun, He shall fly in achieving so honorable things;

Bolongne: Boulogne-sur-Mer en France (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.80);

His faults: Louis-Napoleon's failing coup d'état in Strasburg in 1836;

The temple of the Sun: France as predicted by the Prophet, temple in its Latin origin templum signifying a demarcated space where the fortuneteller catches a prefiguration (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.13), and the Sun being a symbol of France in its glory (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.81). As to the temple as France, cf. III-6, III-45, VI-1, VI-16(§618), VI-22, VI-65, IX-21(§388) and X-81bis. As to the Sun as French kings, see Discussion below.

Summary:
The Strasburg Bonapartist plot failed (1836): « The nephew of Napoleon I had been living for some years at the castle of Arenenberg in Switzerland with his mother. The continual risings which took place in France, and the letters of his partisans, made him believe that the time had come for attempting, by means of a military revolution, to replace on the throne the Napoleonic dynasty. He had succeeded in opening communications with the garrison of Strasburg. On the 29th of October, 1836, he arrived at Strasburg. The next day at five o'clock in the morning. Colonel Vaudrey presented him to the fourth artillery regiment. For a few moments he succeeded in arousing the enthusiasm of the soldiers who cried "Long live Napoleon ! Long live the Emperor I " But the 46th line regiment turned a deaf ear to these outcries and remained faithful to their duty. By order of their commanding officer, the infantry surrounded Louis Bonaparte and took him prisoner. Louis Philippe sent him to America.» (HH, XIII, p.70)

Louis-Napoleon's second attempt at a coup d'état in Boulogne (1840): « Louis Philippe left Paris for his castle of Eu, where he had given a rendezvous to MM. Thiers and Guizot for the purpose of discussing Eastern affairs. There he received strange tidings: Louis Napoleon had landed at Boulogne on August 6th, 1840. The latter, since he had transferred his residence to England, had recommenced the same operations as in Switzerland. He believed he could count upon the commander of the departement du Nord, General Magnan, who, later on, was to be one of his chief accomplices on December 2nd. He prepared declamatory proclamations wherein he promised to the soldiers " glory, honour, wealth," and to the people reduction of taxes, order, and liberty. The expedition landed at night at Vimereux, north of Boulogne, and proceeded to that town. The confederates entered the courtyard of the barracks of the 42nd regiment of the line. A lieutenant, who was for Napoleon, had mustered the men and told them that Louis Philippe reigned no longer; then Louis Bonaparte harangued them. Confused, fascinated, they were beginning to shout " Long live the emperor," when there appeared upon the scene a captain, who, breaking through the confederates, and regardless of their threats, summoned the non-commissioned officers and men to his side. Louis Bonaparte fired a pistol at him, but it missed him and wounded a grenadier; the soldiers rallied round their captain. The confederates left the barracks and ascended to the castle, but they were unable to break in the doors. None of the townspeople had joined them. They left the town. The national guard and the line regiment advanced upon them. Louis Bonaparte and a few of his followers fled towards the sea and swam to a yawl, in which they attempted to regain their vessel. The national guards opened fire upon the fugitives; the yawl capsized and a spent bullet struck Louis Bonaparte. Two of his accomplices perished. Louis Bonaparte survived. The pretender was this time arraigned with his accomplices before the court of peers, which condemned him to imprisonment for life (October 6th). He was imprisoned in the castle of Ham.» (HH, XIII, p.73-75)

In the temple of the Sun, He shall fly in achieving so honorable things: E.g., the transformation of the town of Paris by Haussmann (1853f.) (cf. Seignobos, 1921, CVI, p.259-260) and the annexation of Savoy and Nice (1860) (cf. Seignobos, 1921, CVII, p.120).

In hierarchy none shall have been heightened like him: « And as a remarkable thing, the figure has become always bigger since four years ago. In 1848, it was five and a half millions; in 1851, seven and a half millions; in 1852, nearly eight millions. The popularity of the Prince mounted, mounted, mounted ever; and now it attained such an elevated summit that one could hardly believe it accessible to the ambition of anyone. In consideration of the growth of the population, one found yet, all the proportion strictly kept, that Napoleon the Ist himself had not been brought so high by the public favour and recognition.» (Guy, cité Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.82).

Discussion:
P. Guinard (2011, p.95-96), essentially following Torné-Chavigny, interprets against him the temple of the Sun as the castle of Ham, where Louis-Napoleon was imprisoned. The quatrain IV-65(§634) calls the castle the grand fortress, which cannot be called temple in Nostradamus' vocabulary. For the term temple, 36 times in all in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, is used to signify 1° Christian churches, catholic or protestant (18 times), 2° ancient shrines (4 times), 3° France in the same sense as in this quatrain (10 times), 4° a demarcated space in its original sense (3 times) and 5° the tower of Temple in Paris (once, IX-23,§367), of these only the last in its proper name suggests a prison. Moreover, his interpretation does not fit the context, for he shall not be able to wash his faults in the castle of Ham, but in Boulogne, nor shall he fly in the castle of Ham, but all over France.

And Le Pelletier (I, p.287) advances the temple of the Sun as «the sky of Italy, the Sun being the emblem of Italy, more specifically of Rome, Sun of the Christendom and Universal Metropolis». Certainly this metaphor does not fail in ordinary domains of letters, but to attain the point in question we need more arguments concerning all the uses of the term in the Prophecies of Nostradamus. In fact, of 38 uses of the Sun (Sol, soleil), 13 are for the celetial body, 17 for persons like sovereigns, 4 for gold and money (IV-30, V-32, V-66 and VI-98), twice for Japan (V-11, V-62) and once for France (VIII-53) and once for soil or ground (I-57). And of 17 persons like sovereigns, 10 are Oriental kings (rising Sun), 6 are French kings: Henri II (VI-58,§36), Louis XVI (I-31,§344; III-34,§372; IX-19,§387), Louis XVIII (I-38) and Charles X (IV-84,§596) and once the pope (V-25). Now, the last unique example, namely that of V-25 for the pope is in the occasion of the battle of Lepant in 1571, where France was absent. So, the use of the term Sun for Italy, Rome or a pope is not preferable to France in Nostradamus in general. And as to the quatrain VIII-53, where the option of France is not merely excluded but also recommended by the context, it is reasonable to interpret the term as recommended. In fact, Napoleon III flourishes (fly) first and primarily in France (in the temple of the Sun) as her leader.
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 636. Garibaldi fleed from Rome

19th century:
§636. Garibaldi fleed from Rome (1849): IX-54.

IX-54:
He shall arrive at the port of Corsibonne,
Near Ravenna that shall murder the lady,
In the profound sea a legate of Vlisbonne
Shall destroy seventy lives behind rocks.


(Arrivera au port de Corsibonne,
Pres de Ravenne qui pillera la dame,
En mer profonde legat de la Vlisbonne
Souz roc caichez raviront septante ames.)

Keys to the reading:
The port of Corsibonne: The port of Ravenna (Leoni, 1982(1961), p.396), representing Mesoli [Mesola], by the mouth of the Po, where Garibaldi landed (see below);

The lady: Anita Garibaldi, wife of Giuseppe Garibaldi, died near Ravenna in 1849;

In the profound sea: on the sea near Venice at the far end of the long sea of the Adriatic;

Vlisbonne: = V + Lisbon (Lisbonne for Lisbon to rime to Corsibonne), V representing Venice, Lisbon meaning etymologically "a good (bon) harbour (lis from Gk. limen: cf. Buck, s.v. Port)". Both Lisbon and Venice are "a good harbour";

Legat (legate): An expedition, légat derived from legatus in Latin (sent, dispatched);

Seventy lives (septante ames): A round number of the victims among «the occupants of the remaining nine barges» (see below).

Summary:
Siege of Rome: « The French by this time had planted twelve pieces of cannon in their breach and commanded therefrom the principal defences of Rome. Terrible was the havoc they made amongst the villas and palaces in the western part of the city, and Garibaldi who held the Villa Savorelli was obliged to abandon it on the evening of the 27th [June, 1849]. When forced to retreat Garibaldi sent a message to the Triumvirate saying that all was lost, that further resistance was impossible [1849. 7.3.] On July the 3rd, Garibaldi having assembled the troops and volunteers in the Square of St. Peter's, addressed them as follows: — ' Soldiers ! that which I have to offer you is this; hunger, thirst, cold, heat; no pay, no barracks, no rations, but frequent alarms, forced inarches, charges at the point of the bayonet. Whoever loves our country and glory may follow me.' Nearly 4,000 men did answer this appeal, and consented to follow Garibaldi in this move. Without a moment's delay this brave band left Rome on the road to Tivoli with the intention of entering the mountainous districts of Tuscany. And thus the curtain fell on the famous siege of Rome, and our hero was again a wanderer on the face of the earth, with his faithful Anita by his side to bear with him the burden and heat of the day, for Anita Garibaldi had some months ere this joined her husband, preferring death and danger by his side to domestic misery at Nice.» (Bent, 1882, p.75-77)

Wandering of Garibaldi: « No sooner was it known that Garibaldi had withdrawn than, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of that very 3rd of July, the cross-keyed banners of St. Peter once more floated from the castle of St. Angelo, and Rome was again under the rule of its Pope. This defence of Rome, and the war going on at the same time in Venice, hopeless as they were from a military point of view, had, however, done something for Italy: they had made Italians proud of their country. The servant now of no State, a lawless adventurer in the eyes of national law, nothing but the brave leader of a few brave men, Garibaldi started on his adventurous way through and across Central Italy, where all force that was not French was now Austrian. ... escape across the Apennines from Tivoli to Terni, from Terni to Arezzo, from Arezzo to the Republic of San Marino. Meanwhile the Austrians from the side of Rimini threatened San Marino as conniving at Garibaldi's escape. So with great haste the Secretary of State went to intercede for a capitulation in favour of the volunteers, and for their own safety. Whilst the Republic of San Marino was asleep he contrived to effect his escape unobserved with Anita and a few followers, leaving the following laconic note on his bedroom table: ' The conditions imposed on me by the Austrians I cannot accept; and therefore we cease to encumber your territory.— Garibaldi.' In vain had Garibaldi tried to persuade Anita to remain behind at San Marino. Though worn out with fatigue and sickness she refused, and smilingly asked her husband "if he wished to abandon her;' so onward she toiled with him to the shores of the Adriatic.» (Bent, id., p.77-83)

In the profound sea a legate of Vlisbonne Shall destroy seventy lives behind rocks: « On reaching the port of Cesenatico [to the south of Ravenna], thanks to some fishermen, who braved the anger of the Austrians by lending them thirteen boats, they were able to embark for Venice; but a northern cloud had spread itself over the Adriatic that night, the sea was furious, and labouring with all their might they could not succeed in getting out of the port until daybreak, when the Austrians were just entering the town. Sails were now spread, for the wind had become favourable, and on the following morning four of the craft which contained Garibaldi and his immediate followers reached the mouth of the Po; in one was the General, Anita, Ciceruacchio the orator of Roman fame, his two sons, Ugo Bassi, and another. Anita, who had suffered fearfully during the voyage, was borne ashore in a dying state in the arms of her husband. The occupants of the remaining nine barges had not been so fortunate; the Austrians had discovered them by the light of a full moon, and had rained bullets and grape shot upon them, until they were forced to surrender.» (Bent, id., p.83)

Ravenna that shall murder the lady: « The shore where the four boats had just put in was swarming with the enemy's scouts sent to trace the fugitives. Anita was lying a little way off the shore concealed in a cornfield, her head resting on her husband's knee, whilst Leggiero, an inhabitant of La Maddalena, and a comrade of the General in South America, was their only companion; he kept guard for them, so as to give notice if he saw any white-coaled Austrians lurking near; Garibaldi, stricken with grief, watched the gradual ebbing away of that life whose every hope and joy had been so strongly bound up in his own. After landing at Mesoli, Garibaldi, his wife, Ugo Bassi and Ciceruacchio wandered about for some time when Ugo Bassi exclaimed, ' I have red pantaloons on (a pair which he had received from a soldier, his own having been worn out), and I may betray you, I will go a little way and change them.' After this Ugo Basssi was seen by the Austrians and captured; Ciceruacchio also and the nine others were not long undiscovered. The Austrians lost no time in condemning the nine to death immediately, reserving the two more conspicuous heroes for their fate in Bologna. Meanwhile we have left Anita dying in the cornfield, trembling in her agonies to think of the fate that might await her husband if captured. Later on in the day, when the Austrians had gone, some peasants, struck by the piteous sight of Garibaldi bearing his sinking wife in his arms, yielded to his entreaties to fetch medical aid from Ravenna; they brought a cart on which the dying woman was placed, and, conducted over rough byroads in this rickety conveyance, obliged to hide in rocks, and forests, for the Austrians were in pursuit. Garibaldi now carried Anita to the nearest cottage, where a bed was hastily prepared, and no sooner had she been placed thereon, than she expired leaning on Garibaldi's arm.» (Bent, id., p.83-85)

« Garibaldi and his friend Leggiero reached Ravenna in safety, where they lay concealed for some days in the house of a friend, and learning that it would be useless to proceed to Venice, now in the last gasp of her struggle, he wrote to a friend in Florence to inquire if there was any chance of a revolution in that city, friend sent word how best he could travel into Tuscany, pointing out the spots by the way where he would be likely to obtain food and a night's shelter from trusted adherents to the cause. Thus fortified with new hopes, the two pilgrims set out once more on their journeys, often taking food in wayside inns by the side of Croat scouts.» (Bent, id., p.86)

Discussion:
J.Ch. de Fontbrune (1980, p.314-315) recognizes in this quatrain the theme of «Liberation of the Corsica in September 1943», etc. But his identification of "the port of Corsibonne" as «the port of Bonifacio in Corsica» is grammatically invalid, because the port of Corsibonne is said to be Near Ravenna, and easily refuted by the historical fact. He says that the word "Corsibonne" is «coined by Nostradamus out of the words Corse and Bonifacio by necessity of rhyme». But we find the name of a real town near Ravenna "Corsibonne" in the guide book of the 16th century by Estienne: Les Voyages de plusieurs endroits de France et encores de la Terre Saincte, d'Espaigne, d'Italie et autres pays. Les Fleuves du Royaume) [See B. Arsenal, Res 8 - H 5169 (2)].

One of the empirical positivists about the possibility of prophecy reports the result of his positive reseaches concerning Corsibonne: « Corsibonne est bien une ville signalée dans les Voyages d'Estienne, non loin de Ravenne. Il ne s'agit nullement d'une invention du rédacteur des Centuries. [Corsibonne is certainly a town marked in the Travels of Estienne, not far from Ravenna. It concerns nothing of an invention by the author of the Centuries.]» (Espace Nostradamus, ANALYSE 144 Evaluation de la clef géographique des Centuries by Jacques Halbronn: http://ramkat.free.fr/nhalb99.html#ref21, 2005).

Leoni, also positivist and sceptic, used to research to the end of the chapter may have confirmed positively and historically the fact when he noted: "The port of Corsibonne: The port of Ravenna" (Leoni, 1982(1961), p.396).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 637.Roman revolution; Garibaldi's flight

19th century:
§637. Roman revolution; Garibaldi's flight;(1848-1849): IX-3.

IX-3:
At Magnavacca and Ravenna a grand trouble,
Those carried in fifteen [vessels] enclosed against the south of Fornace.
In Rome shall appear two monsters with double head,
Bloodshed, firing, mass revolt, the most importants for the sake of pacification.


(La magna vaqua à Ravenne grand trouble,
Conduictz par quinze enserrés à Fornase,
A Romme naistre deux monstres à teste double
Sang, feu, deluge, les plus grans à l'espase:)

Keys to the reading:
La magna vaqua à Ravenne grand trouble: = à La magna vaqua [et] Ravenne grand trouble;

La magna vaqua: = Magnavacca by the mouth of the Po, near Mesoli [Mesola] where Garibaldi landed (cf. §636,IX-54) (cf. GeoCenter, Euro Atlas Italy, p.39). «Magnavacca is the name of a valley and tiny port (renamed Porto di Garibaldi) between Ravenna and Ferrara, and also, according to The Catholic Encyclopedia, the name of a former canal in the same area.» (Leoni, 1961(1982), p.380);

Ravenna: Cf. Ravenna that shall murder the lady (§636,IX-54);

Fifteen: A round number for 13 barges carrying the Garibaldians;

Fornase: For Fornace (in Torento). The S for C indicates the south (le sud) of Fornace, the mouth of the Po.

Two monsters with double head: Mazzini and Garibaldi, the two republican leaders, of one and the same opinion;

Espase: = Espasement, s.m. pacification, règlement d'une querelle, d'une affaire (Godefroy).

Summary:
In Rome shall appear two monsters with double head, Bloodshed, firing, mass revolt: « Revolt against the pope; Rome a Republic.
The celebrated allocution in a consistory of cardinals, with the determined declaration that he would not wage war with Austria, was generally interpreted as the beginning of a reactionary change. The allocution was the first backward step from the flag of national uprisal. Pius IX, therefore, soon became as much an object of hatred and enmity on the part of the patriots as he had before been their idol. The reactionary coup d'état in Naples was regarded as the direct result of the allocution, and influenced the popular passions more and more against spiritual rule. The clever Italian Rossi of Carrara, who had once taught law in Geneva, and had then occupied an influential position in Paris with Louis Philippe and Guizot, and had executed important diplomatic missions, was called by Pius IX to form a constitutional ministry, in order more tightly to seize the reins of government which threatened to slip out of the weak hands of the princes of the church. But, by his energetic measures against the increasing anarchy, Rossi so drew upon himself the hatred of the Roman democrats that at the opening of the chambers he was murdered on the steps of the senate on the very spot upon which Cæsar once fell. Thereupon the unrestrained populace, led by the democratically inclined Charles Lucien Bonaparte, surrounded the Quirinal and forced the pope, through threats, to name a radical ministry, in which the advocate Galletti and the old democrat Sterbini had the greatest influence, next to Mamiani who had been recalled. The pope finally fled to Gaeta, aided by the Bavarian ambassador Count Spaur. Here he formed a new ministry and entered a protest against all proceedings in Rome. This move procured at first the most complete victory for the republican party in the Tiberian city. A new constitutional assembly was summoned, which in its first sitting deprived the papacy of its worldly authority, established the Roman republic. A provisory government under the direction of three men undertook the administration of the free state, while the constitutional assembly laid hands on the church lands in order to form small farms out of them for the poor, and Garibaldi [one of two monsters, a part of double head] organised a considerable militia out of insurrectionary volunteers and democrats. The unfortunate outcome of the renewed war in upper Italy, which had brought a large number of refugees to Rome, and the arrival of Mazzini [one of two monsters, a part of double head], who for so long had been the active head of the "young Italy" party and the soul of the democratic propaganda, increased the revolutionary excitement in Rome.» (HH, IX, p.595-597)

The most importants for the sake of pacification: « While the Austrians [one of the most importants] after severe battles took possession of Bologna and Ancona, the Neapolitans [one of the most importants] from the south entered Roman territory, and a French army under General Oudinot [one of the most importants] landed in Civita Vecchia and surrounded Rome, which was in a state of intense excitement. It was in vain that the French declared they came as friends; the democrats rejected the proffered hand of peace and propitiation, and prepared an obstinate opposition to the attacking enemy. The first assault of the French failed, May 2nd, 1849. Oudinot, with severe losses, had to retreat to the sea and await reinforcements... Oudinot now began a new attack; after weeks of sanguinary fighting (July 3rd), the barricades were at once cleared, the provisory government dissolved, and a foreign military rule established. Pope Pius remained for a long time in his voluntary exile, and persevered in his anger towards the ungrateful city. Not until April, 1850, did he return. Quiet was preserved in Rome by a French garrison.» (HH, IX, p.597-598)

Those carried in fifteen [vessels] enclosed against the south of Fornace: « Flight of Garibaldi: Garibaldi who held the Villa Savorelli was obliged to abandon it on the evening of the 27th [June, 1849]; escape across the Apennines to the Republic of San Marino. On reaching the port of Cesenatico, thanks to some fishermen, who braved the anger of the Austrians by lending them thirteen boats, they were able to embark for Venice. Sails were now spread, and on the following morning four of the craft which contained Garibaldi and his immediate followers reached the mouth of the Po; in one was the General, Anita, Ciceruacchio the orator of Roman fame, his two sons, Ugo Bassi, and another. Anita, who had suffered fearfully during the voyage, was borne ashore in a dying state in the arms of her husband. The occupants of the remaining nine barges had not been so fortunate; the Austrians had discovered them by the light of a full moon, and had rained bullets and grape shot upon them, until they were forced to surrender.» (Bent, 1882, p.75-83)

At Magnavacca and Ravenna a grand trouble: « The shore where the four boats had just put in was swarming with the enemy's scouts sent to trace the fugitives. Anita was lying a little way off the shore concealed in a cornfield, her head resting on her husband's knee, whilst Leggiero, an inhabitant of La Maddalena, and a comrade of the General in South America, was their only companion; he kept guard for them, so as to give notice if he saw any white-coaled Austrians lurking near; Garibaldi, stricken with grief, watched the gradual ebbing away of that life whose every hope and joy had been so strongly bound up in his own. After landing at Mesoli [near Magnavacca], Garibaldi, his wife, Ugo Bassi and Ciceruacchio wandered about for some time when Ugo Bassi exclaimed, ' I have red pantaloons on (a pair which he had received from a soldier, his own having been worn out), and I may betray you, I will go a little way and change them.' After this Ugo Basssi was seen by the Austrians and captured; Ciceruacchio also and the nine others were not long undiscovered. The Austrians lost no time in condemning the nine to death immediately, reserving the two more conspicuous heroes for their fate in Bologna. Meanwhile we have left Anita dying in the cornfield, trembling in her agonies to think of the fate that might await her husband if captured. Later on in the day, when the Austrians had gone, some peasants, struck by the piteous sight of Garibaldi bearing his sinking wife in his arms, yielded to his entreaties to fetch medical aid from Ravenna; they brought a cart on which the dying woman was placed, and, conducted over rough byroads in this rickety conveyance, obliged to hide in rocks, and forests, for the Austrians were in pursuit. Garibaldi now carried Anita to the nearest cottage, where a bed was hastily prepared, and no sooner had she been placed thereon, than she expired leaning on Garibaldi's arm. Garibaldi and his friend Leggiero reached Ravenna in safety, where they lay concealed for some days in the house of a friend, and learning that it would be useless to proceed to Venice, now in the last gasp of her struggle, he wrote to a friend in Florence to inquire if there was any chance of a revolution in that city, friend sent word how best he could travel into Tuscany, pointing out the spots by the way where he would be likely to obtain food and a night's shelter from trusted adherents to the cause» (Bent, id., p.83-86)

Discussion:
J.Ch. de Fontbrune (1980, p.236f.) found for the first time the theme of this quatrain, but with failures in detail: 1° his interpretation of Fornase as "FER(me) de ZAN(ett)" is too paraphrastic without full meaning; 2° "à teste double (with double head)" cannot be translated, as he will, into "à cause d'un pouvoir double (because of a double power)"; 3° l'espase is not l'espace (space) he explained without much pertinence as "pour des problèmes d'espace (for the problems of space)".
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§ 638. Roman revolution

19th century:
§638. Roman revolution (1848-1849): V-88.

V-88:
On the hill of sand because of a hideous deluge,
Found a marine monster from the other seas:
Near the place shall be taken a refuge,
The slave of Turin holding Savone.


(Sur le sablon par un hideux deluge,
Des autres mers trouvé monstre marin:
Proche du lieu sera faict un refuge,
Tenant Savone esclave de Turin.)

Keys to the reading:
The hill of sand: Rome, a militarily vulnerable siege of the pope;

A hideous deluge: Italian revolution in 1848 reinforced by French revolution of February with a world-wide influence, excited itself by Sicilian revolt: cf. §623,VIII-81: From Sicily shall come the emotion: « 1848. Italy. - Revolt in Messina (Jan.6), then in Palermo, and soon in all the island. Bombardments of Palermo. The concessions offered by the king (Jan.18,19)» are refused; The Sicilians demand a national parliament in Palermo and consititue a provisory government. The revolution is conducted by the prince of Pantellaria, the marquises of Rudini and of Spedalotto, the major general don Ruggiero Settimo. Revolt in Naples on 27th.- The king promises a constitution on the basis of the French chart on 29th. Amnesty to all the political offenses since 1830 (Feb.1). The constitution promised to the Two-Sicilies is published on 10th.- The king of Sardinia, Charles-Albert, also promises a constitutional law (Feb.8).- In Tuscany, a riot at Livorno (Jan.6). The archduke accords a national representation with two chambers (Feb.11 and 15). Charles-Albert publishes the promised constitution (March 4).» (Dreyss, p. 822-823). « 1848. France. - Ardor of propositions of reform overexcited by the happenings of Italy. Harsh discussions in the chamber of deputies concerning the right of assembly. Organization of a banquet of the 22nd district by 92 members of the opposition scheduled for 22nd (Feb.18). The deputies abandon on 21. Vote of accusation against the ministry, presented by the opposition (Tuesday, 22 Feb.). Beginning of the troubles; the new revolution of the three days.» (Dreyss, p. 820);

A marine monster from the other seas: Garibaldi, one of the two monsters of §637,IX-3, returning from Brazil across the Atlantic;

The slave of Turin: The democratic government of Rome, under the effective rule of the king of Sardinia in Turin;

Savone: The city where had been exiled Pius VII by Napoleon Bonaparte, a historical metaphor for Rome, whence Pius IX has been exiled to Gaeta;

Summary:
On the hill of sand because of a hideous deluge, Found a marine monster from the other seas: Near the place shall be taken a refuge: « In the papal states, the enthusiasm for the pope declined when he did not satisfy the exaggerated demands quickly and completely enough and when he earnestly rejected the desired declaration of war against Austria as incompatible with his position and religious dignity... What was the position, then, of the Roman troops and volunteers under the able general Durand which the liberal government had sent to join the army of fighters for independence across the Po? They were looked upon as rebels until Pius himself placed them under the protection of Charles Albert.

«The celebrated allocution in a consistory of cardinals, with the determined declaration that he would not wage war with Austria, was generally interpreted as the beginning of a reactionary change. The allocution was the first backward step from the flag of national uprisal. Pius IX, therefore, soon became as much an object of hatred and enmity on the part of the patriots as he had before been their idol. In vain did he nominate the liberal champion Mamiani as president of the ministry, a position which as yet only clericals had held, and the historian Farini as under secretary of state; the feeling that the head of the church had been faithless to the national cause alienated the hearts of the Roman people more and more. Thereupon the unrestrained populace, led by the democratically inclined Charles Lucien Bonaparte, surrounded the Quirinal and forced the pope, through threats, to name a radical ministry, in which the advocate Galletti and the old democrat Sterbini had the greatest influence, next to Mamiani who had been recalled. From that time law and order disappeared from the holy city. The chamber of deputies was without power, and became so weakened by the withdrawal of many members that it was scarcely competent to form legal resolutions; the democratic popular club, together with the rude mob of Trastevere, controlled matters. Many cardinals withdrew; Pius IX was guarded like a prisoner.

« Enraged at these acts and threatened as to his safety, the pope finally fled to Gaeta, in disguise, aided by the Bavarian ambassador Count Spaur. Here he formed a new ministry and entered a protest against all proceedings in Rome. This move procured at first the most complete victory for the republican party in the Tiberian city. A new constitutional assembly was summoned, which in its first sitting deprived the papacy of its worldly authority, established the Roman republic, and resolved to work for the union of Italy under a democratic-republican form of rule. A threat of excommunication from the pope was met with scorn by the popular union. A provisory government under the direction of three men undertook the administration of the free state, while the constitutional assembly laid hands on the church lands in order to form small farms out of them for the poor, and Garibaldi organised a considerable militia out of insurrectionary volunteers and democrats. Garibaldi of Nice (born July 4th, 1807) was a bold insurrectionary leader who had wandered about in America and elsewhere as a political refugee for a long time, and who, on his return to his native country, had taken an active part in the struggle of the Piedmontese and Lombards against Austria. The unfortunate outcome of the renewed war in upper Italy, which had brought a large number of refugees to Rome, and the arrival of Mazzini, who for so long had been the active head of the "young Italy" party and the soul of the democratic propaganda, increased the revolutionary excitement in Rome. The union of revolutionary forces determined the powers protecting the papal states, whose help the pope had summoned, to common action and armed intervention.» (HH, IX, p.595-597) See §627,III-17.

The slave of Turin holding Savone: « Only two powers, a spiritual and a worldly, the Jesuits and the Austrians, seemed to stand in the way of attaining Italian unity. Consequently the glowing hatred of the Italians directed itself against both. The Austrian soldier lived in the cities of the Lombardie-Venetian kingdom as in the land of an enemy. Tumults and insulting demonstrations resulted in sanguinary scenes, so that the Austrian government finally declared martial law in Lombardy in order to be able to put down the excitement and rebellion by force. The February revolution of 1848 in Paris, incited those states in which military and revolutionary revolts were already under way to new efforts, and brought the fermentation to an outbreak in other states where the excitement had not yet ripened into action. In Italy the ideas of independence and national unity which had so long appeared in literature came to the surface and aroused the revolutionary spirits. When Charles Albert, King of Sardinia and Piedmont, without an actual declaration of war, sent his army into Milanese territory and drew his sword against Austria, the whole peninsula was seized by the warlike movement. Not only were the Italian governments carried away by the force of public opinion to send troops and to preserve a constitutional attitude; armed troops of volunteers also marched into the field so that the whole land of the Apennines was under arms against Austria. Soon a double trend of opinion became perceptible; whereas Mazzini and his associates urged a popular war and republican institutions, the more moderate sought to establish national independence under the cross of Savoy, in conjunction with the constitutional king Charles Albert. The latter tendency prevailed after some wavering; in Milan and Venice the union with Piedmont was resolved upon. The princes of Parma and Modena who had allied themselves with Austria had to leave their states; even the grand duke of Tuscany, although giving way to the national and independent impulses, had to surrender his land to democrats and republicans for a short time. The pope also agreed to a constitution and appointed a lay ministry with advanced views; nevertheless the government and the body of popular representatives were to concern themselves only with the worldly and political matters of the papal state.» (HH, IX, p.593-594)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 639. Roman revolution; Pius IX to Gaeta

19th century:
§639. Roman revolution; Pius IX’s translation to Gaeta (1848-1850): VIII-99.

VIII-99:
By the power of the three temporal kings,
Shall be translated to other place the Holy See:
Where the substance of the corporeal spirit,
Shall be restored and received as the true See.


(Par la puissance des trois rois temporelz,
En autre lieu sera mis le saint siege:
Ou la substance de l’esprit corporel.
Sera remys & receu pour vray siege.)

Keys to the reading:
The three temporal kings: Three men (triumvirs) of the provisory government of the Roman republic, Giuseppe Mazzini, Aurerio Saffi and Carlo Cattaneo (See below);

The corporeal spirit: The Roman Church;

The substance of the corporal spirit: The Holy See.

Summary:
By the power of the three temporal kings, Shall be translated to other place the Holy See: « The feeling that the head of the church had been faithless to the national cause alienated the hearts of the Roman people more and more. Thereupon the unrestrained populace surrounded the Quirinal and forced the pope, through threats, to name a radical ministry, in which the advocate Galletti and the old democrat Sterbini had the greatest influence, next to Mamiani who had been recalled. From that time law and order disappeared from the holy city. Many cardinals withdrew; Pius IX was guarded like a prisoner. Enraged at these acts and threatened as to his safety, the pope finally fled to Gaeta, in disguise, aided by the Bavarian ambassador Count Spaur. » (HH, IX, p.596)

Where the substance of the corporeal spirit, Shall be restored and received as the true See: « Here he formed a new ministry and entered a protest against all proceedings in Rome. This move procured at first the most complete victory for the republican party in the Tiberian city. A new constitutional assembly was summoned, which in its first sitting deprived the papacy of its worldly authority, established the Roman republic, and resolved to work for the union of Italy under a democratic-republican form of rule. A provisory government under the direction of three men undertook the administration of the free state, while the constitutional assembly laid hands on the church lands in order to form small farms out of them for the poor...A French army under General Oudinot landed in Civita Vecchia and surrounded Rome, which was in a state of intense excitement. It was in vain that the French declared they came as friends; the democrats rejected the proffered hand of peace and propitiation, and prepared an obstinate opposition to the attacking enemy. The first assault of the French failed, May 2nd, 1849. Oudinot, with severe losses, had to retreat to the sea and await reinforcements. In order to separate their opponents the triumvirs then entered into negotiations with the French general and decided on an eight days’ truce. Oudinot now began a new attack; after weeks of sanguinary fighting (July 3rd), the barricades were at once cleared, the provisory government dissolved, and a foreign military rule established. Pope Pius remained for a long time in his voluntary exile, and persevered in his anger towards the ungrateful city. Not until April, 1850, did he return. Quiet was preserved in Rome by a French garrison.» (HH, IX, p.596-598)
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§640. Two nephews of Napoleon I

19th century:
§640. Two nephews of Napoleon I (1808-1891): III-29.

III-29:
The two nephews nourished in various places:
Fathers having fallen in naval fights, on land.
They shall come to be elevated so high, being challenged
Shall revenge the insult: enemies crashed.


(Les deux nepveus en divers lieux nourris:
Navale pugne, terre, peres tumbés
Viendront si haut eslevés enguerris
Venger l’injure: ennemis succombés.)

Keys to the reading:
Two nephews: The sons of two brothers of Napoleon I (1769-1821), i.e., Napoleon III (1808-1873), son of Louis Bonaparte (1778-1846), and Prince Napoleon (1822-1891), son of Jerome Bonaparte (1784-1860). Far from the rash comment of Hogue (1997, p.248): “Look into the past 440 years and pick two nephews. Or worse, pick a couple due to arrive in the next few thousand years. Either way you go, no clear or definitive interpretation can be extracted.”, 8 examples (§617,VIII-32; §627,VII-43; §630,VIII-43bis; §637,III-29; §650, IV-73; §672,VI-22; §679,X-30) of the 12 uses in all of the term “nephew” in the Prophecies of Nostradamus refer to Napoleon III, “the grand nephew” (§650, IV-73) of Napoleon I, and here in addition we are to find another accompanying him in his reign among numerous nephews of Napoleon Bonaparte;

Nourished in various places: Napoleon III: «As a young man brought up mainly by his mother, he travelled extensively, living in Italy, Bavaria, Switzerland and London» (Palmer, p.196). Prince Napoleon in Wurtemberg and Florence (cf. De Puy, 1856, p.342-343);

Fathers: Pl. “ancestors” (Ibuki);

Fathers having fallen in naval fights, on land: Napoleon I loses the battles of Trafalgar in 1805 and also of Waterloo in 1815 where does assist Jerome Bonaparte;
They shall come to be elevated so high: Louis Napoleon in Presidency in 1848 and Emperor in 1852. Jerome Napoleon the First Prince of the blood in 1860 when Jerome Bonaparte, his father, died;

Enguerris: From Enguerroier, faire la guerre à (to make war against) (Godefroy).

Summary:
The two nephews: « It is well known that Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome Bonaparte, at one time King of Westphalia, and first cousin of Louis Bonaparte, President of the French Republic, was violently opposed to the Coup d’État of December Second; it is known, too, that his political independence very nearly occasioned a serious rupture between him and the man who afterwards became Napoleon III. After the Prince had openly declared his liberal views, a certain coldness arose between the two cousins and kept them apart. This coldness, however, was not destined to last; when Prince Louis Napoleon became Emperor, he summoned his cousin and offered him, if not his full confidence, at least a strong affection. These men had henceforth a true attachment for each other; and despite all that was said to make the Prince appear ridiculous and odious in the eyes of the Emperor, despite even the unconcealed hostility of the Empress toward him, Napoleon III gave his cousin continual evidence of esteem, and ever expressed for him sentiments of profound friendship. State reasons sometimes compelled him to disavow or to blame publicly the utterances or the acts of the Prince; in private, however, he atoned for this severity, and drove from his cousin's memory expressions of an authority which might have wounded him, and whose tendency would have been — so irascible and combative was his temperament — to drive him to a more active opposition, which opposition was, however, on his side less a rivalry than a political dandyism. One anecdote will serve to illustrate the cordiality which existed between the Emperor and his cousin, and will prove that their public dissensions were superficial. One evening Prince Napoleon was at the Tuileries; and having that day given expression to certain seditious sentiments, which had forthwith been repeated to the Emperor, he was taken aside by his cousin and reproved. “I hear, Napoleon,” said the Emperor, “ that you have been at your old tricks again today.” “Have I really been as revolutionary,” the Prince rejoined, laughing, “ as I am reported to have been?” “ Revolutionary,” muttered the Emperor, “is a word which may signify anything or nothing. No, you have not been revolutionary, you have been imprudent. I have in you,” he added, after a pause, “a terrible cousin, Napoleon. You make me a great deal of trouble — a great deal. My ministers are displeased by my conduct toward you. In reality you and I agree about many things, but I cannot let them know that. Ah, Napoleon, you have a great advantage over me, inasmuch as you may express your thoughts without fearing to shock the world.” Prince Napoleon had indeed this privilege which was denied the Emperor; he could, on occasion, though without official sanction, sow seeds of freedom among the people. It was true, too, that the Emperor's secret feelings were often closely allied to those of the Prince. Prince Napoleon was not blind to his cousin's innate kindness of heart, nor to his rare intellectual qualities. He frequently discussed with the Emperor schemes which the latter, unknown to his ministers, took pleasure in elaborating, and which, had he been more resolute, or, let us say, tyrannical, he might have put into execution. If, therefore, there was always a certain restraint between the Emperor and his cousin, this restraint was but the result of the scornful attitude of both courtier and minister toward the Prince, and of the Empress's avowed enmity for him.» (De Lano,1895, p.90-93)

« I have already stated that the Emperor and Prince Napoleon felt a strong attachment for each other, and that all the stories are false which represent these men as bitter enemies, as rivals ready at any moment to fall upon and to harm each other. Prince Napoleon had constantly to undergo, during his cousin's reign, the hatred of the Empress, which hatred inevitably called forth the ill-will and the prejudice of her courtiers. Had the Emperor possessed the courage or the power to interpose between the Prince and his enemies he would have found in this man an useful instrument; he might have put a restraint on his many unwise actions, and made use of his gifts for the imperial cause; a political understanding between these two men, an harmony of purpose which the public should have recognised and respected, would have given the government a firm foundation and have insured the future of the imperial policy. The most serious charge brought against the Prince was that in his speeches he openly and systematically opposed the Emperor's projects. There is, however, a curious fact relating to these speeches of which it is well to remind the reader. Prince Napoleon — I am in a position to verify this statement — never expressed an opinion officially without first submitting his remarks to the Emperor for examination and for approval. Previous to his speaking in public, the Prince invariably gave the Emperor a written version of his address, which the Emperor promptly returned him. If he found therein the expression of some sentiment opposed to his own, Napoleon III, simply suggested that a little revision here and there would be advisable. Such suggestions were, however, never given as a command, nor did he ever condemn any part as evil or dangerous. The Prince always deferred to the Emperor's wish, and revised his manuscript in a way to satisfy him. It, however, sometimes chanced that at the time of delivery he would astonish his cousin by an unexpected violence, and by spontaneous outbursts quite foreign to the text which they had prepared together. The explanation and the excuse for this lie in the fact that between the time of his conversation with the Emperor and that when he delivered his speech — this is a fact to be noted and borne in mind — that in the meantime, I say, intrigues, scandals, annoyances of every kind, had been instigated by the Empress; there was a foolish and profitless delight taken in provoking his excitable and rebellious nature; he was persecuted despite his submission to the wishes of the Emperor; despite his own meekness of spirit, was persecuted and hunted down like a goaded beast in the arena which longs for the undisturbed peace of his own lair. The indignation of the ministry and of the entire court at the time when Prince Napoleon delivered his famous speech in Corsica will be remembered. This very speech, strange as it may seem, this speech which called forth such bitter criticism in the Moniteur and was sought by some as a pretext for exiling the Prince, had been read by the Emperor, and returned by him to his cousin without modification, without comment. "Their purpose is," said Napoleon III to one of his most intimate, one of his most dearly loved friends, “their purpose is to influence me against my cousin, that I may drive him from the Tuileries, and add one more indignity to those which are now heaped upon him; that I may close alike my heart and my home against him. I will never accede to these wishes. I will never look upon the Prince as an enemy. When not in my presence he seems to disapprove of my actions; but when with me he is all that he should be. He is my friend, and there is no hypocrisy in this attitude; he is alike sincere when he expresses an attachment for me, and when, driven to revolt by the bitter hatred which pursues him, by the contempt of which he is a victim, he rises in arms, it is not against me personally, but against the men and also the women who surround me. I forgive his resentment; in his place I do not know how I should act. When humanity attempts indifference to abuse and to insult, it finds itself confronted by a force which it is powerless to overcome. At heart Napoleon loves me, and I require from him nothing more than this. Why should I, by withdrawing my sympathy, add another cause of bitterness to the many which he already has ?” The Emperor took comfort in feeling that the Prince was no hypocrite, and his judgment of him in this respect was certainly right. Prince Napoleon scorned deceit, was loyal in all the relations of life, was open with his adversaries, faced obstacles bravely, though at the risk of doing himself harm, and despised subterfuge and compromise. In these virtues is power sufficient to influence the destiny of a nation. The Prince was, however, neither popular at court nor in the world of politics, nor yet with the masses. Whatever the gifts and the intelligence of a man may be, of however honest a nature he is, he cannot counteract the influence of slander, nor hope to extricate himself from the meshes which calumny weaves round him. Notwithstanding his strong moral and intellectual force, Prince Napoleon thus became the victim of falsehood. He understood the theory of government, but the law-makers would have nothing to do with him; he toiled for the people whose interests he had at heart, and, in return, was ridiculed by them. He was more of a prince, more of an aristocrat, than are many princes and aristocrats, yet he was despised by the upper classes. He was a democrat, but the democrats never gave him their confidence; in short, he was opposed, envied, feared — feared in the face of raillery and scorn, because none could fail to recognise his intellectual superiority, and was like the abortive progeny of a gigantic dream, a dream of the Caesars, upon whom a wicked spirit has cast the evil eye. Prince Napoleon's rôle in the Second Empire was that of a malcontent, of a fault-finder, and almost of a factionist. Yet he not only loved the Emperor and was loved by him, but held views on many questions which were in harmony with his. His liberalism, even his radicalism, were not incompatible with those vague socialistic dreams which haunted the sovereign's mind, while his theories of national unity were peculiarly satisfying to the Emperor's ideals. The consolidation of Germany was not at all alarming to the Prince; but he would have wished it accomplished by an understanding with France, and he was among those who most regretted the failure of M. Bismarck's mission when that statesman went to Biarritz, hoping to win the co-operation of the Tuileries in the fulfilment of his political schemes.» (De Lano, id., p.107-113)

Being challenged Shall revenge the insult: enemies crashed: « During this time, an important phenomenon, which perhaps has not been sufficiently remarked, was produced in the country. The republican idea gained among the people, outside of Paris above all, infinitely more ground than it had lost since the first months of 1848. The retrograde excesses of the Legislative Assembly had thrown back into the democratic movement the very numerous and very influential fraction of the republican party, which had sustained the policy of General Cavaignac, and which, after the days of June, had contributed to the reaction. The arrogance of the priest party, so powerful in the Legislative Assembly, became intractable after the Roman expedition had stimulated the Voltairian spirit of the middling classes (la bourgeoisie). The effacing of revolutionary extremes, joined to the growing progress of liberal socialism (what is called to-day cooperation), toward authoritative socialism, had facilitated a sincere reconciliation between all the shades of the republican party. The resolution, unanimously formed by the Democrats to peaceably await the general elections of 1852; to renounce all appeal to violence; to fortify themselves within the Constitution; to make use of the liberties still intact, in order to enlighten universal suffrage; to propagate the republican idea among the peasantry; and so not to expect definitive triumph except from the regular working of republican institutions, — this resolution, let us say, at the same time that it disconnected the calculations of the reaction, gave a new force to the democratic propaganda. Besides, the Republicans displayed so much order, such a fever for proselytism, that their triumph in the elections of 1852 no longer appeared doubtful. Such at least was the opinion of their alarmed adversaries, as early as the first months of the year 1850. The partial elections of March and April, at Paris, and in many of the departments, were favorable to the election of the republican candidates. At Paris, the divers shades of the democracy had fused together. The impression produced by these elections, which showed what vigorous roots had already been thrown out in the population, was extreme. In the midst of the royalist majority of the Assembly, there was a complete panic; people did not even stop to reflect on this very natural consideration, which after all was but a partial defeat; they believed themselves in peril. The conservatives of the Legislative Assembly, so great was their terror of a legal triumph of the Republicans in 1852, did not recoil before the idea of laying violent hands on the basis of the Constitution itself, — on universal suffrage.» (Ténot et al., 1870, p.20-21)

« Then was prepared the too famous law of the 31st of May, 1850, which, by a stroke of the pen, struck out three millions of electors ! The report was read the 18th of May, by Léon Faucher, its urgency declared, and its discussion commenced immediately. The ministry and the orators of the majority maintained, in spite of good sense and evidence, that their projected law did not violate the article of the Constitution which guaranteed the right of suffrage, without conditions of property, to every French citizen aged twenty-one years, enjoying his civil and political rights. They based themselves upon this argument: that the regulating law of the 15th of March, 1848, requiring for the registration of a citizen upon the electoral list, six months' residence in the commune, they could, without infringing on the fundamental pact, insist on three years (why not twenty or thirty ?) instead of six months. This evident violation of the Constitution in one of its fundamental features, radically changed the situation; it introduced into the country an element of deep perturbation, left everything in doubt again, and challenged a civil war which awaited only a question of time. The Republicans, in fact, against whom this parliamentary coup d'etat was directed, allowed the law of the 31st of May to pass without material opposition; but they did not disguise the fact that if universal sufirage were not reestablished before the general elections of May, 1852, they would consider themselves as authorized to claim the right written in the Constitution, with arms in their hands, if necessary. In passing the law of the 31st of May, the reactionary majority thought to have guaranteed social order against the anarchists.» (Ténot et al., id., p.21-23)

« The Legislative Assembly had reached its third year of legislation, and, by virtue of Article 3 of the Constitution, it had the right to convoke an assembly of revision; on the condition, nevertheless, that the vote of revision should have been rendered by the majority consisting of three fourths of those voting. In the autumn of 1850, the General Councils of the departments had formally expressed their wishes on this subject; a general system of petitions, tending toward the same end, had been organized by the agents of the administration from this date. Its success had been notable, but not such as they would have wished to call it. They had obtained one million one hundred thousand signatures, more or less authentic, of which less than four hundred thousand asked for the prolongation of the authority of the President of the Republic. The wishes of the General Councils had not been much more characteristic, concerning the prorogation of the powers of the President. Six only of these councils, out of the ninety, expressed the desire for the abrogation of Article 45, interdicting the reelection of Louis Napoleon, before an interval of four years. The President of the Republic evidently had no doubts upon the fate of the project for the revision, submitted to the National Assembly. In this particular case the republican Left was master of the issue of the debate. The Republicans had at their command about two hundred and twenty votes, a number exceeding one fourth of those voting, and consequently sufficient to defeat, by the terms of Article 3, a vote of revision. Now, upon this question, the Republicans were unanimous. Moderate Republicans, those of the Mountain, Socialists, all considered it their strict duty to oppose the revision so long as the law of the 31st of May should be unrepealed. They could not, in fact, without betraying the sovereignty of the people, consent that the Constitution of 1848, elaborated by a Constituent Assembly, the issue of universal suffrage, be revised by an assembly which had been produced from a mode of suffrage enacted in formal violation of the Constitution itself. The republican party could not, without violating its fundamental principle, consent to any such transaction. General Cavaignac used the same language on this occasion as the orators of the “Mountain.” Thus, the debate upon the revision could have for the historian but a secondary importance, in spite of the passionate interest it excited, and the fine oratorical rivalries of which it was the occasion. The result was inevitable. The vote took place the 21st of July, 1851. Four hundred and forty-six votes were cast for the revision, and two hundred and seventy-eight against it. That was ninety votes more than were requisite to constitute the quarter sufficient to reject the proposition. Nevertheless, instruction can be derived from the ballot; it is, that the majority had remained almost wholly favorable to the revision. A certain number of Orleanists voted alone with the Republicans. Among them were Messieurs Thiers, de Rémusat, Creton, Bedeau, Baze, etc. Shortly afterward the National Assembly was prorogued — on the 10th of August. The parties remained, at the close of this session, more bitter and more divided than ever. The parliamentary majority who had received such rude assaults from the executive power; who felt themselves threatened; who believed, rightly or wrongly, in the plans of usurpation devised by the President of the Republic; the majority, we say, had not even the idea of becoming reconciled in this common peril, with the republican Left. This latter, besides, suspicious, mistrustful, embittered by the hostilities that had been manifested toward it since the beginning, would with difficulty have yielded to an understanding. On the other hand, the republican party was full of confidence in the future. Unity was reestablished in its ranks. Although some recriminations upon the past were often exchanged, according to their various views, they had acted with no less unity for that since 1849, and most of all since the law of May 31, 1850. The unheard-of progress of the republican propaganda — Socialists, as they were termed by the reactionists — in the agricultural people of the centre, of the east, and of the south, seemed the pledge of an assured triumph for 1852. The democrats made certain of obtaining, ere that date, the abrogation of the law of the 31st of May. They little feared the Coup d’Etat attributed to Louis Napoleon. They shared the opinion of General Changarnier as to the disposition of the army, and they placed, above all, the most unlimited confidence in the attachment of the people of Paris and of the departments, to the republican cause. The attitude of the executive power, as well as that of the royalist parties, toward them, were not taken in order to diminish their confidence in the final triumph. We must read the reactionary papers of the time, notice the debates of the Chambers, look over the reports of the courts, in order to obtain an idea, at the present time, of the fears the monarchical parties manifested in presence of the republican sentiment.» (Ténot et al., id., p.37-42)
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§641. Crimean war

19th century:
§641. Crimean war (1853-1856): VIII-83.

VIII-83:
The greatest fleet outside the port of Zara,
Shall make its operations near Byzantium,
The enemy’s defeat & there shall be no friend of his.
A third by two shall largely pillage & take.


(Le plus grand voile hors du port de Zara,
Pres de Bisance fera son entreprinse,
D’ennemy perte & l’amy ne sera
Le tiers à deux fera grand pille & prinse.)

Keys to the reading:
Zara: In Dalmatia, belonging to Austrian Empire: 1815-1920;

Outside the port of Zara: Excepting the fleet of Austria in neutrality;

A third: One of the three principal allies, namely, England, France or Turkey;

à: = par (by), indicating a unit of a kind (Suzuki, Ibuki);

A third by two: Two of a third, i.e., England and France.

Summary:
The greatest fleet outside the port of Zara, Shall make its operations near Byzantium, The enemy’s defeat & there shall be no friend of his: A third by two shall largely pillage & take: «According to the czar, Turkey had a choice between two things only: she must regard Prussia as either her greatest friend or her greatest enemy. To remind her of this, Nicholas sent Prince Menshikov, one of his ministers and confidants, to Constantinople. Arriving February 28th, 1853, Menshikov exhibited a haughty and irritable demeanour; and, after astonishing the Divan by his noisy opposition, put forward pretensions amounted to nothing less than the restoration to the czar of the protectorate over all the sultan's subjects professing the Greco-Russian worship — that is to say the great majority of the inhabitants of Turkey in Europe. In vain the Divan protested; in vain the friendly powers interceded. Unable to obtain the satisfaction he was demanding with the extreme of violence, the Russian ambassador extraordinary quitted the Bosporous with menace on his lips. And, in effect, on the 2nd of July, the czar's troops crossed the Pruth to occupy, contrary to all treaty stipulations, the two Danubian principalities. Nicholas was not prepared for war and did not expect to be obliged to have recourse to that last appeal; he hoped to triumph over the Divan by audacity. Moreover, he did not think the western powers were in a position to come to an understanding and to act in common. He was mistaken: Turkey's death struggle did not prevent her from making a supreme effort to sell her life dearly, if it were impossible for her to save it; and on the 26th of September the sultan declared war on the aggressor. Hostilities began in the course of the month of October, first on the Danube and afterwards in Asia, where a surprise made the Turks masters of the little maritime fort of St. Nicholas or Chefketil. The Porte was not long abandoned to its own resources, for the time of political torpor in regard to the territorial aggrandisement of the Muscovite colossus had gone by; the eyes of all were at last opened and a European crisis was inevitable. At that moment, the fleets of France and England were already at the entrance of the Dardanelles; and even before the end of October these fine naval armies passed the straits under the authority of a firman, and approached Constantinople. Thus, by an almost miraculous concourse of circumstances, an alliance was formed between France and England, those two ancient and ardent rivals. Preceded by a formal alliance with the Porte (March 12th), it was signed in London, April l0th, 1854. This was not all: this memorable document was immediately submitted to the governments of Austria and Prussia and sanctioned by a protocol signed at Vienna by the four powers, by which the justice of the cause sustained by those of the west was solemnly proclaimed. Austria and Prussia laid down the conditions of their eventual participation in the war in another treaty, that of Berlin, of the 20th of April, 1854, to which the Germanic Confederation on its side gave its adhesion. Finally at Baïadji-Keui, on the 14th of June, 1854, the great Danubian power also concluded a treaty with the Ottoman Porte, in virtue of which she was authorised to enter into military occupation of the principalities, whether she should have previously expelled the Russian army or whether the latter should of its own will have decided to evacuate them. Russia was in the most complete isolation; the Scandinavian states, who had hitherto been her allies, declared themselves neutral; an insurrection in her favour, which was preparing in Servia was prevented; that of the Greeks, openly favoured by King Otto, was stifled. The Turks, thus effectively protected, were able to turn ful their forces on the frontiers, and to prove by heroic acts that they had not lost all the bravery of their ancestors. In return for Europe's efforts in favour of the integrity of his empire, and in order to ward off the reproach they might incur by supporting the cause of the crescent against a Christian state, the sultan as early as the 6th of June, 1854, published an edict or irade, by which he improved in a notable manner the condition of the rayas, and prepared for their civil freedom, as well as for a complete remodelling of the laws which, governing up to that day the internal government of the Ottoman Empire, seemed to render its preservation almost impossible.

Thus that movement of expansion to which Russia had been impelled during four centuries, and which by conquest after conquest, due either to diplomacy or the sword, had made Russian power the bugbear of Europe, finds itself suddenly arrested. ''Republican or Cossack,'' was the famous prognostic of Napoleon. The immense superiority of the marines belonging to the allies made it possible to attack Russia on every sea. They bombarded the military port of Odessa on the Black Sea (April 22nd, 1854), but respected the city and the commercial port; the Russian establishments in the Caucasus had been burned by the Russians themselves. They blockaded Kronstadt on the Baltic, landed on the islands of Åland, and took the fortress of Bomarsund (August 16th, 1854).» (HH, XVII, p.561-563)

« The emperor Napoleon gave the first signal of resistance by boldly sending the French Mediterranean fleet to Salamis to have it within reach of Constantinople and the Black Sea. He won over England, at first hesitating, to his alliance, and assured himself of the neutrality of Austria and Prussia. Hostilities opened with the destruction by the Russians of a Turkish flotilla at Sinope. The Anglo-French fleet entered the Black Sea, whilst an army despatcned from the ports of Great Britain and France assembled under the walls of Constantinople. The 14th of September, 1854, the army of the allies, seventy thousand strong, debarked on the Crimean coasts, and the victory of Alma allowed the commencement of the siege of Sebastopol, a formidable fortress whose annihilation was necessary in order to protect Constantinople against a sudden attack. This siege, one of the most terrible in the annals of modern history, lasted for more than a year. Generals Canrobert and Pélissier successively commanded the French troops. Continual fighting, two victories, those of Inkerman and the Tchernaya, earned for the French soldiers less glory than their dauttless courage against a terrible climate and an enemy who ceaselessly renewed his ranks. At last, on the 8th of September, 1855, after miracles of constancy, French dash and English solidity had their reward. The tower of the Malakoff was carried and the town taken. The emperor Nicholas had died a few months before. In the Baltic the Anglo-French fleet had destroyed Bomarsund, the advanced bulwark of Russia against Sweden, and in the Black Sea the French iron-plated gunboats, now used for the first time, had compelled the fortress of Kinburn to surrender, thus opening southern Russia. An allied squadron had even taken Petropavlovsk on the Pacific Ocean. Finally French diplomacy had induced the king of Sweden and the king of Sardinia to enter the league against Russia, and was perhaps on the point of winning over the emperor of Austria. The czar Alexander II, successor of Nicholas, demanded peace; it was concluded at Paris, March 30th, 1856, under the eyes of the emperor of the French.» (HH, XIII, p.129-130)

Discussion:
Larmor (1925, p.248) first pointed out the theme of this quatrain concerning the Crimean war, but he mixed it with that of the unification of Italy in vain.
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§ 642. Count Cavour allied with Napoleon III

19th century:
§642. Count Cavour allied with Napoleon III (1855-1860): VII-20.

VII-20:
Ambassadors of the Tuscan tongue,
In April & May the Alps & the sea to pass:
That of calf shall expose his harangue,
Going ahead not to efface the Gallic life.


(Ambassadeurs de la Tosquane langue,
Avril & May Alpes & mer passer:
Celuy de veau expousera l’harangue,
Vie Gauloise ne venant effacer.)

Keys to the reading:
That of calf: That of Turin (Torino), Taurasia (Torino) connoting Taurus (bœuf, ox) according to a popular etymology, therefore «veau, calf» (cf. Vignois, 1910, p.242), although the true etymology of Tauros is mont (mount), colline (hill) (Brunot & Bruneau). That of Turin signifies Count Cavour (1810-1861), the prime minister (1852-1860) of the kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, whose capital was Turin. The expression «veau, calf» signifies the kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia as a prefiguration of Unified Italy;

Vie Gauloise ne venant effacer: The construction as follows: [France] venant n'effacer vie Gauloise ([France] going ahead not to efface the Gallic life).

Summary:
Ambassadors of the Tuscan tongue: « The dream of unifying Italy, which also Cavour was pursuing openly, was not to be realized, he understood well, by his country alone. It needed international aids, which he obtained from France. He knew well Napoleon III’s affection for Italy and his desire to play an important role on the international theatre. Cavour worked sagaciously to afford a chance to Napoleon III for this sake. He supported, in 1855, Napoleon III who had waged war against Russia in order to pledge for France, and sent twenty-one thousand Piedmontese to the Crimean front. In exchange for it he expected to get French support in order to occupy Austrian territories in Italy. Cavour augmented the number of ambassadors to be dispatched to Napoleon III, who became less reluctant to be troubled with the difficult problems between Austria and Italy. On July 28th, 1858, he met Napoleon III at Plombières in Vosges.» (Trémolières III, p.178).

«Gavour was advancing to his goal with an unheard-of persistency, preparing fleets, armies, finances, alliances, lancing against Austria the collection of the letters of Joseph de Maistre, in which the empire of the Habsburgs is treated as the enemy of the human race, making every effort to conciliate France, even to obtaining the vote, after the Orsini crime, of a disgraceful law against refugees. In July, 1858, he had that famous interview with Napoleon III at Plombières in which war was decided on, and on the 1st of January, 1859, at a New Year's reception, the emperor said to Baron von Hübner, the ambassador of Austria: "I regret that our relations with your government are not so good as they were. I beg you to tell the emperor that my personal sentiments for him are unchanged.''» (HH, XV, p.15)

« That war between Sardinia and Austria was merely a question of time became apparent to everyone toward the end of the fifties. Fortunately for Sardinia, Austria's position was an isolated one owing to the enmity which her attitude during the Crimean War had won for her from Russia, and her inborn jealousy and distrust of Prussia. It was not long before Russian men-of-war were to be seen in the Mediterranean, and Napoleon's efforts on behalf of France were no less successful. The cautious emperor Napoleon might not have been so ready to champion the weaker side had it not been for the attempt on his life made by Orsini. The emperor had once held close relations with the Italian patriots, had even been a member of an Italian secret society, and now, regarded by his former associates as a traitor to their cause, he was condemned by them to death. In February a letter written by Orsini was made public in which he adjured the emperor to restore to Italy the independence; to free it forever from the Austrian yoke. “ Without Italian independence, ” the letter closed, “ the peace of Europe, even your majesty's own safety is but an empty dream. Free my unhappy fatherland and the blessings of twenty-five million people will follow you into the next world. ” On the 13th of March Orsini and Fieri perished on the scaffold, the two remaining accomplices having been deported to America. The courage with which Orsini met death, and the love of country he manifested up to his last breath aroused universal sympathy. What Orsini living had failed to bring about, he accomplished dead. While the murderous attempt was made the pretext for robbing France of all freedom by means of the security law of the 28th of January, Napoleon in conjunction with Cavour — who with artful smoothness calmed his imperial associate's anger toward Italy, the hotbed of conspiracies — proceeded to carry out the wishes of Orsini. Several weeks later Cavour held a secret conference with Napoleon at which plans regarding Italy were perfected. “ Italy to be free as far as Adria; the whole of upper Italy to be united in a kingdom, France to be enlarged by the annexation of Savoy,” these were the terms agreed upon in the interview. It was further proposed that the bond between the two reigning houses should be made still firmer by the betrothal of Prince Napoleon Bonaparte with Clotilde, the daughter of Victor Emmanuel.» (HH, IX, p.603)

In April & May the Alps & the sea to pass: « In 1859 war was brought close in sight by Victor Emmanuel’s announcement at the opening of the chamber of deputies in Turin that Sardinia could no longer remain insensible to the cries for help that were arising on all sides. Austria proceeded at once to strengthen her army, to place the whole of Lombardy under martial law, and by every means possible sought to secure her power and possessions in Italy. Austria was severely blamed by the neutral powers for beginning hostilities, and it seemed as though with the death of Field Marshal Radetzky Austria's military star had set forever. To Franz Gyulay, a member of the Hungarian nobility who had filled many offices but had in none of them given proofs of marked ability,fell the command. By shameful inactivity the Austrians allowed the Sardinians time to concentrate their 80,000 men around the fortress of Alessandria, where they were joined in May by several divisions of French troops, Garibaldi, meanwhile, with his “ Alpine hunters ” guarding the foot of the mountain whence he could harass the right wing of the Austrians and support the operations of the main army. The popularity of his name drew volunteers in flocks, and his appearance in the northern lake-region aroused the wildest enthusiasm among the people. About the middle of May Napoleon himself arrived in Italy; although he left the actual lead to experienced generals, he took his place at the head of the troops.» (HH, IX, p.603-604).

« Napoleon's New Year's greeting was immediately appreciated at its right value by the military party in Vienna, whilst the Austrian diplomacy remained on the wrong track till almost the last moment.On the 20th of April Cavour received news through Naples that the ultimatum dated the 19th, which was to give him breathing time, was on its way from Vienna. On the 23d Baron Kellersperz handed it in at Turin; it contained the peremptory interpellation: “ Will Piedmont, within the space of three days, promise to place its army on the footing of peace and dismiss the volunteer corps? — yes or no.” With this declaration of war, Austria had burned her boats; it now remained only to let the action follow the threat, as thunder follows lightning. The Piedmontese army should have been scattered, before a Frenchman put his foot on Italian soil; the French corps could then have been annihilated as they landed in troops or came down through the mountain passes. Instead of this, Gyulai let three days beyond the term assigned to Piedmont elapse before, on the 29th of April, he crossed the Ticino. Meanwhile the first French soldiers came into Turin [by land] and Genoa [by sea] (cf. Duby, p.169), but only in quite small divisions.» (HH, XV, p.15-17)

That of calf shall expose his harangue: « At the sitting of the Congress at Paris, on the 8th of April, Walewski, the French minister of foreign affairs, suddenly called attention to the situation of the States of the Church and of the kingdom of Naples, and to the dangers attendant on the occupation of a great part of Italy by the Austrian armies. The plenipotentiaries of Austria, Buol-Schauenstein and Hübner, declared that they had no answer to make on these subjects, which were foreign to the congress. Cavour asked to be heard, and drew a very striking picture of the occupation of the Roman states by Austria, an occupation which had endured for the last seven years. “ The presence of the Austrian troops in the legations and in the duchy of Parma, ” he added, “ destroys the political equilibrium in Italy and constitutes a veritable danger for Sardinia. It is our duty to point out to Europe the existence of a state of things so abnormal as that which results in the indefinite occupation by Austria of a great part of Italy.”' Baron von Hübner made a vehement reply. The Russian plenipotentiary, Count Orloff, could but rejoice to see ungrateful Austria called to account in her turn. This was only an exchange of ideas, but the Italian question had been brought forward and Cavour could write to one of his friends, “ In three years we shall have war.” We may pass rapidly over the years 1857 and 1858, which saw the organisation of the Danubian principalities into an administrcitive union, the signing of the convention for the free navigation of the Danube, and the death of old Radetzky, who was replaced by the archduke Maximilian (January 5th, 1858). These two years were, properly speaking, a preparation for the war of Italy, a diplomatic struggle with Piedmont preceding the armed struggle. Europe felt a presentiment of it. After the Crimean War, France had approached sensibly nearer to Russia, who was herself drawing Prussia into her orbit, and in all the conferences of these two years we constantly see Russia, France, and Prussia voting against Austria and England. The Stuttgart interview between Napoleon III and Alexander II in 1857 still further accentuated this situation.» (HH, XV, p.14-15)

Going ahead not to efface the Gallic life: « Napoleon III said, on May 2nd, 1859, when he started for Italy, “ France has not abdicated her role of civilizer: her natural allies have been always those that want the amelioration of the humanity... We are going to this classic land, illustrated with so many victories, to rediscover there the traces of our fathers. May God permit us to be worthy of them ! ”.» (Vignois, id., p.242). «A French army reappeared on that soil where three centuries before the arms of France had left so many glorious traces.» (HH, XIII, p.136)

Discussion::
Though Vignois (1910, p.242) first pointed out the theme of this quatrain, his reading of the verses is not always convincing. He translated the verses 1-2 as follows: «An ambassador of the Italian tongue shall pass beyond the Alps and the sea during the months of April and May.» He identified “an ambassador” as Count Cavour, but the text of Nostradamus puts it in the plural: Ambassadors. And he said that Cavour went to the congress of Paris during April and May, 1856. What inexactitude ! The congress of Paris in 1856 lasted only in February, March and April (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.320-323). The month of May of the year disinterested itself from the congress. And how did he pass “the sea” in traveling to Paris via the Alps ?

It seems that the only possible subject of the verb “to pass” is “ambassadors”, but it is only an appearance ! Nostradamus knows how to use verbs to express certain events without any explicit grammatical subject. He plays “hide-and-seek” with his readers as to some of his prophetic quatrains. In the context of this quatrain, it is French army that shall pass the Alps and the sea in April and May, 1859, though in April the event is only in preparation. In the same manner, the most natural and logical subject of the verb “going ahead” “France or French army” is eluded in the verse 4.

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 643. Baptism of the Prince Imperial

19th century:
§643. Baptism of the Prince Imperial (1856.6.14): X-8.

X-8:
The Count of Senegalia shall combine
His index and thumb with the forehead of his own son,
The Myr. armed by several of the first rank.
Three persons in seven days dead wounded.


(Index & poulse parfondra le front
De Senegalia le Conte à son filz propre
La Myr. armee par plusieurs de prinfront
Trois dans sept jours blesses mors.)

Keys to the reading:
Le Conte de Senegalia: = The count of Senigallia = the pope Pius IX (Vignois, 1910, p.242);

Parfondre: Fondre (to combine) (Godefroy);

The Count of Senegalia shall combine His index and thumb with the forehead of his own son: «Now, the Prince Imperial was baptized (the traditional gesture is with thumb and index finger joined) by Cardinal Patrizzi, as proxy for Pius IX whose godson the baby was.» (Laver, 1952, p.204);

Myr.: Abbreviation of myron in Greek, μυρον, liquid perfume (Bailly). La Myr. is an eulogistic proper name for a supposed lady from the Greek neuter μυρον;

Armee: = Adj. Armé, Garni, pourvu (garnished, provided) (Petit Robert);

De prinfront: «De premier rang» (of the first rank) (Vignois, id.). Prinfront = prin, adj. premier (first) (Godefroy) + front (front);

The Myr. armed by several of the first rank: Several persons of the first rank at the ceremony are from top to bottom garnished with liquid perfume;

Trois: Napoleon III, the Prince Imperial and Pius IX;

Dans sept jours: = dans sept ans (in seven years) as in V-18 (§214) where the seventh day means the seventh year in corresponding to seven years of VII-15 (§212);

Blesse: = Blessé, Adj. Fig. «Blessé dans son amour-propre» (wounded in his pride) (Petit Robert).

Summary:
The Count of Senegalia shall combine His index and thumb with the forehead of his own son, The Myr. armed by several of the first rank: « On March 16th [1856], the Empress gives birth to the Prince Imperial: the Pope agrees to be his godfather; the baptism, where he is represented by a legate, is the occasion of a great festival (June 14th)» (Seignobos, 1921a, p.251)

Three persons in seven months dead wounded:
1° Napoleon III died in exile in England on January 9th, 1873, after having suffered a fatal defeat in 1870, confronted with Prussia.

2° Pius IX died on February 7th, 1878, in rupture with the kingdom of Italy that had deprived him of Rome in 1870.

3° The Prince Imperial: « In the war of Zululand, the Prince Imperial was reconnoitering on the first of June, 1879, with a small number of British soldiers, with Lieutenant Carey. During a break, while the horsemen had dismounted, the Zulu hidden in tall grass suddenly attacked them with their assegais: amidst the bustle of soldiers eager to escape, the Prince was wounded by a shot of an arrow which prevented him from following his companions and avoid traits that gave him death.» (Vignois, id.)

Thus, seven years passed from 1873 [the first] to 1879 [the last] according to French manner of calendric computation.
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§ 644. The attempt on the Emperor by Orsini

19th century:
§644. The attempt on the Emperor by Orsini (1858.1.14): V-8.

V-8:
Shall be released the live, mortal fire hidden,
Inside the globes horrible dread.
By night a city thrown into powder by a band,
The city on fire, the favourable enemy.


(Sera laissé le feu vif, mort caché,
Dedans les globes horrible espouventable
De nuict à classe cité en pouldre lasché,
La cité à feu, l’ennemy favorable.)

Keys to the reading:
Le feu vif, mort caché, dedans les globes: = Le feu vif, mortel caché dedans les globes (the live, mortal fire hidden inside the globes);

Espouventable: = espouvantable;

Shall be released the live, mortal fire hidden, Inside the globes horrible dread = The live, mortal fire hidden inside the globes shall be released horrible dread, as in “ What Orsini living had failed to bring about, he accomplished dead ”.

A city: Paris;

Classe: = a band, a group of persons;

Powder: = gunpowder.

Lasché: = laschée, because of the necessity of rhyming with caché, which is to modify le feu.

Summary:
Shall be released the live, mortal fire hidden inside the globes horrible dread. By night a city thrown into powder by a band, the city on fire: « The Legislature, elected in June 1857, convened in November only for credentials and extended until January 18th, 1858, had not yet met when occurred the accident that seems to have changed the direction of the policy of Napoleon III. On January 14th, at half past eight in the evening, when the Emperor arrived by car at the Opera (then located in Montpensier Street), three bombs were thrown by hand next to his car and he was not attained, but in the packed crowd over 150 people were injured, eight died. It was the first attack by a chemical explosive, produced an impression of horror and exasperation.» (Seignobos, 1921a, p.275)

« The evening of the 14th of January, 1858, at the moment of the arrival of the emperor and empress at the opera, three explosions were heard. The police arrested four Italians, three of them were but instruments; the fourth, Orsini, was remarquable. His father had perished in 1831 in the insurrection against the pope in which Napoleon III and his elder brother had taken part. The son since his childhood had taken part in all the national Italian conspiracies. A profound impression was made on the audience when Jules Favre, by permission of the emperor, read aloud a letter addressed to the latter by Orsini. The criminal did not ask mercy for himself; he asked freedom for his unhappy country. He did not go so far as to demand that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany. Orsini and his accomplices were condemned to death on the 26th of February. Orsini was executed on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices.» (HH, XIII, p.132-133).

The favourable enemy: « That war between Sardinia and Austria was merely a question of time became apparent to everyone toward the end of the fifties. Fortunately for Sardinia, Austria's position was an isolated one owing to the enmity which her attitude during the Crimean War had won for her from Russia, and her inborn jealousy and distrust of Prussia. It was not long before Russian men-of-war were to be seen in the Mediterranean, and Napoleon's efforts on behalf of France were no less successful. The cautious emperor Napoleon might not have been so ready to champion the weaker side had it not been for the attempt on his life made by Orsini. The emperor had once held close relations with the Italian patriots, had even been a member of an Italian secret society, and now, regarded by his former associates as a traitor to their cause, he was condemned by them to death. In February a letter written by Orsini was made public in which he adjured the emperor to restore to Italy the independence; to free it forever from the Austrian yoke. “ Without Italian independence, ” the letter closed, “ the peace of Europe, even your majesty's own safety is but an empty dream. Free my unhappy fatherland and the blessings of twenty-five million people will follow you into the next world. ” On the 13th of March Orsini and Fieri perished on the scaffold, the two remaining accomplices having been deported to America. The courage with which Orsini met death, and the love of country he manifested up to his last breath aroused universal sympathy. What Orsini living had failed to bring about, he accomplished dead. While the murderous attempt was made the pretext for robbing France of all freedom by means of the security law of the 28th of January, Napoleon in conjunction with Cavour — who with artful smoothness calmed his imperial associate's anger toward Italy, the hotbed of conspiracies — proceeded to carry out the wishes of Orsini. Several weeks later Cavour held a secret conference with Napoleon at which plans regarding Italy were perfected. “ Italy to be free as far as Adria; the whole of upper Italy to be united in a kingdom, France to be enlarged by the annexation of Savoy,” these were the terms agreed upon in the interview.» (HH, IX, p.603)

Disccussion:
M. Dufresne (1995, p.82-83) proposed an interpretation of this quatrain which should be historically attested by the bombardment of the RAF [Royal Air Force] upon the city of Dresden on the night of February 13th, 1945. But, his is accompanied with an anachronism concerning the historical progress of fabrication of bombs.

The key word is “the globes”, which mean of course a spherical shape of bombs.

Now, the history of the development of bombs is resumed as follows: « A bomb is in general what is used in releasing from a plane. It is nearly streamlined in its outline and has wings on the tail in order that it is smoothly carried beneath the plane and falls steadily after release. The origin of bombs is said to be traced in the invention in the 19th century by a Russian chemist N. I. Kibal’chich with a view to assassination. In 1858, Felice Orsini of Italy became notorious when he projected the grenades he privately produced against the French Emperor Napoleon III. Modern bombs are first used in the Italiano-Turkish war (1911-1912), when Italy released from her planes in the beginning global bombs and afterwards ordinary cannonballs with wings. In the World War I, there appeared bombers and they made big bombs to be carried by planes.» (HDHJ, XI, p.1011)

Then, “the globes” should mean an old or primordial type of bombs, which are evidently out of date and of no use in the World War II.

And, in fact, the bomb confiscated after the crime in the hideout of one of the accomplices, apparently just semblable to those used by the accused, « consists in a hollow cylinder cast integral and brittle, composed of the two parts united by means of a pitch of screw wrought in the interior walls. It is 9.5 cm in height, 7.3 cm in diameter. The inside capacity is of 120 ml. Out of it has been extracted a little yellowish, fine, crystalline and heavy substance, which has proved to be pure mercury fulminate with no mixture. The extracted quantity of the substance forming the charge of the projectile was 130 g, occupying 84 ml, namely more than two thirds of the inside capacity.» « Each machine consisted in a sort of matallic pear, hollow, with very thick interior walls, a litte elongated. And they say that the bomb was disguised in a piece of taffeta.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.46-47)

Therefore, this quatrain cannot be referred to the event of the 20th century, but to that of the times when the bombs were on their openig stage of development.

As to the case of Orsini, cf. §633(VIII-43), §634(IV-65), §645(V-9), §646(V-10).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 645. The attempt on the Emperor by Orsini (2)

19th century:
§645. The attempt on the Emperor by Orsini (2): V-9.

V-9:
Till the depth the grand marquee demolished,
By the chief the friend anticipated and arrested:
Shall be born of a lady hairy foreheads and faces,
Then a leader caught by death because of his ingenuity.


(Jusques aux fonz la grand arq demolue,
Par chef captif l’amy anticipé:
Naistra de dame front face chevelue,
Lors par astuce duc à mort attrape.)

Keys to the reading:
The grand marquee: That of the Opera in Paris;

Demolu: = Démoli, to rhyme with chevelu;

The chief: The chief of the police (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.44);

The friend: That of Orsini’s;

A lady: «Personification of the Liberty» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.47);

Attrape: = Attrapé.

Summary:
Till the depth the grand marquee demolished: « With the first explosions, a number of burners of gas light illuminating the frontage of the theatre had been extinguished by the only effect of the commotion. The glasses of the vestibule and those of the neighboring buildings had almost all flown in pieces. The vast marquee protecting the entrance was perforated in several places notwithstanding its extreme solidity.» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.45)

By the chief the friend anticipated and arrested: « Only a few minutes before the attempt, the officer of security Hébert performed the arrestation of the accused Pieri in the street of Lepelletier, near that of Rossini. Expelled from France in 1852, marked out since before two weeks by the dispatch of the French minister in Brussels as having with certainty arrived in Paris on January 9th, accompanied by another person, intending to assassinate the Emperor, Pieri was actively searched out by the police.» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.45)

Shall be born of a lady hairy foreheads and faces: «One knows that the socialists have long beard and hair as their mark of rally.» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.47),

Then a leader caught by death: « The criminal did not ask mercy for himself; he asked freedom for his unhappy country. He did not go so far as to demand that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany. Orsini and his accomplices were condemned to death on the 26th of February. Orsini was executed on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices.» (HH, XIII, p.133).

Because of his ingenuity: « It was the first attack by a chemical explosive, produced an impression of horror and exasperation.» (Seignobos, 1921a, p.275)

As to the case of Orsini, cf. §633(VIII-43), §634(IV-65), §644(V-8), §646(V-10).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 646. The attempt on the Emperor by Orsini (3)

19th century:
§646. The attempt on the Emperor by Orsini (3): V-10.

V-10:
A Celtic chief in the conflict wounded,
Seeing his subjects fall, dead near to a cave:
With blood and wound and enemies pressed,
And helped because of strangers numbered four.


(Un chef Celtique dans le conflict blessé,
Aupres de cave voyant siens mort abatre:
De sang & playes & d’ennemis pressé,
Et secourus par incognuz de quatre.)

Keys to the reading:
A Celtic chief: = Napoleon III, 15 uses among 18 of Celte or Celtique in the Prophecies meaning French;

Near to a cave: «On the pavement of the street of Lepelletier.» «The street of Lepelletier is very narrow, and often it has been a question of enlarging it. The word cave is an extremely characteristic detail of the event, and locates the fact.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1860, p.44; p.48);

Mort: for morts;

Abatre: for s’abattre (to fall).

Summary:
A Celtic chief in the conflict wounded: « Mr. Chaix d’Est-Ange, Attorney General, said, “His Majesty has not at all been attained.” Certainly the Emperor has not been attained by the bombs, but a piece of glass injured his face; every one remembers what was said in those days: “The Emperor, returning to the Tuileries, took his child in his arms. When the latter, getting sight of the blood of his father, cried: Bobo, papa (Sore papa); the father, impassible till then, melted into tears”.» (Torné-Chavigny, id.,p.48).

Seeing his subjects fall, dead near to a cave: with blood and wound and enemies pressed, and helped: «On January 14th, at half past eight in the evening, when the Emperor arrived by car at the Opera (then located in Montpensier Street), three bombs were thrown by hand next to his car and he was not attained, but in the packed crowd over 150 people were injured, eight died. It was the first attack by a chemical explosive, produced an impression of horror and exasperation.» (Seignobos, 1921a, p.275)

Because of strangers numbered four: «The police arrested four Italians, three of them were but instruments; the fourth, Orsini, was remarquable.The criminal did not ask mercy for himself; he asked freedom for his unhappy country. He did not go so far as to demand that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany. Orsini and his accomplices were condemned to death on the 26th of February. Orsini was executed on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices.» (HH, XIII, p.132-133).

As to the case of Orsini, cf. §633(VIII-43), §634(IV-65), §644(V-8), §645(V-9).
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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

§ 647. The incident of the Cagliari

19th century:

§647. The incident of the Cagliari (1857.6.25): V-44.

 

V-44: 
By sea the red shall be taken by the pirates,                             

The peace shall be troubled by means of this:

The indignation and the avaricious shall compromise himself by a feigned act.

Of the grand Pontiff the army shall be doubled.

 

(Par mer le rouge sera prins des pyrates, 

La paix sera par son moyen troublee:

L’ire & l’avare commettra par fainct acte

Au grand Pontife sera l’armee doublee.)        

 

Keys to the reading:
The red
: The Cagliari, a steamboat of a Piedmontese company Rubattino (Rubor, red - Wailly), under the pavilion of Victor-Emmanuel, departing from Genoa on the evening of June 25th 1857 and carrying the reds (revolutionaries) in order to revolt against the kingdom of Naples (Torné-Chavigny, 1870, p.48-50; Vignois, 1910, p.248);

 

Taken by the pirates: The Cagliari pretended to have fallen to the reds during its periodic journey to Cagliari ant to Tunis, nevertheless it was discovered in the territorial sea of Naples, seized and brought to Naples by two frigates of Naples, and sequestered and its captain, crew and passengers were imprisoned (id.);

 

The indignation: Of Naples and of England claiming indemnities for its nationals arrested on board (id.).

 

Summary:

The peace shall be troubled by means of this: This manœuver caused the trouble between Sardinia, champion of Italian unification, and Naples, Italian Bourbon.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  And the avaricious shall compromise himself by a feigned act: « Criminal trial of the Cagliari: March 1st 1858, Salerno: They distributed arms and munitions which were discovered in abundance on board, without having been noticed by the vigilance of the customs of Genoa, nor by the administration of the Company of Sardinian steams, nor by the crew of the Cagliari, in announcing to them that the revolution was in Calabria…» (Torné-Chavigny, id.); « The Cagliari was under the pavilion of Victor-Emmanuel. If the vessel had been able to return to Genoa instead of being sequestered, the king of Sardinia would not have disavowed any more the insurgents on board.» (Vignois, id.). « Constitutionnel, May 1st 1858: The English government made that of Sardinia know… It sholud be a great calamity for Sardinia to want to constrain by the armed forces the government of Naples to obey her. It would produce probably a European war, whose extension and end to foresee would be impossible.» (Torné-Chavigny, id.).

 

Of the grand Pontiff the army shall be doubled: « During the process, the organization of the pontifical Zouaves furnished the second army to the Pontiff, already protected by the French occupation army.» (Vignois, id.). « 1850 Apr: 12th, French troops restore Pius IX and garrison Rome; Pius revokes the Constitution.» (Williams, 1968, p.214).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2012. All rights reserved.

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Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 218 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§948).

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