§692

19th century:

§692 Napoleon III prisoner in Wilhelmshöhe; Commune of Paris  (1870-1871): V-100.

 

V-100:

The arsonist shall be caught by his fire,

From the fire of heaven at Carcassonne and Comminges:

Foix, Auch, Mazères, a high old man shall be made to escape,

By those of Hesse, Saxons and of Thuringia.

 

(Le boutefeu par son feu attrapé,

De feu du ciel à Carcas & Gominge:

Foix, Aux, Mazeres, haut vieillart eschapé,

Par ceulx de Hasse, des Saxons & Turinge.)

 

NOTES: The arsonist shall be caught by his fire: « The arsonist in the German question, Napoleon (III) has been caught by the fire he had kindled.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1876a, p.37).

« The Declaration of War, as delivered to the Prussian Government, was published by the Cologne Gazette. The following is a translation: “ In fulfilment of the orders which he has received from his Government, the undersigned Charge d’Affaires of France has the honour to make known to His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs of His Majesty the King of Prussia, the following communication: ‘The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of the French not being able to regard the design of raising a Prussian Prince to the throne of Spain as anything but an enterprise directed against the territorial security of France, found herself under the necessity of requiring from His Majesty the King of Prussia an assurance that such a combination should not be carried into effect with his consent.’ His Majesty the King of Prussia refused to give this assurance, and stated, on the contrary, to the Ambassador of His Majesty the Emperor, that he reserved to himself for that eventuality, as in all others, the power of taking account of circumstances. The Imperial Government could not but perceive in that declaration on the part of the King reservations (arrières pensées) which were threatening for France and the general balance of power in Europe. A second fact gave still more gravity to that declaration – the announcement made to all the Cabinets of the refusal to receive the Emperor’s Ambassador, or to enter into further conferences with him. In consequence the French Government felt it to be a duty to take steps for the immediate defence of its injured honour and interests, and to adopt all the measures required by the position of affairs. Consequently, from this time it considers itself in a state of war with Prussia.”» (Rich, I, p.9). « The formal declaration of war was published at Berlin on the 19th [of July, 1870].» (id., p.204).

« The King of Prussia, on the other hand, contented himself with the simple affirmation that he drew the sword “ to ward off a wanton attack.”» (id., p.8). « The King of Prussia’s proclamation to his people was published in the Prussian Staats Anzeiger of July 21st.» (id., p.9).

Cominge: = Comminges, the basin and valleys of the Garonne up the town of Toulouse (cf. MacCarthy, Bescherelle).

From the fire of heaven at Carcassonne and Comminges: Foix, Auch, Mazères, a high old man shall be made to escape, By those of Hesse, Saxons and of Thuringia: Napoleon III [a high old man] was made prisoner in the hands of the Prussians [those of Hesse, Saxons and of Thuringia] in September, 1870, to eventually escape his confrontation with the insurgent Commune of Paris and in some provinces in 1871 [the fire of heaven at Carcassonne and Comminges: Foix, Auch, Mazères].

Carcassonne and Comminges: Foix, Auch, Mazères: These places are not where the Communard insurrection took place, but they show by metonymy (as a kind of sign signifying the other through their neighborhood) the places of real insurrection, Carcassonne referring, in fact, to Narbonne,  Comminges, Foix, Auch and Mazères altogether to Toulouse. This form of expression indicates also that the insurrections failed at once.

The towns where the Commune of Paris incited its inhabitants to stir up were Lyons, Saint-Etienne, le Creusot, Toulouse, Narbonne, Marseilles and Limoges (Seignobos, 1921b, p.302-305).

« The commune had not succeeded in inciting other towns in France to rise in rebellion, except St. Étienne, Lyons, and Toulouse; there was also a rising in Aude: but these had either failed or been speedily suppressed.» (HH, XIII, p.184).

« … the aborted insurrectionary attempts of Marseilles, of Lyons and of Narbonne.» (Noël, 2010, p.69). « … the beginnings of insurrection in Lyons, Marseilles, Toulouse being terminated, as Thiers has promised them the Republic.» (id., p.71).

Hasse: = “ Hesse. State, central Germany. The name goes back to Hassi or Hatti, the Roman name of a people who originally inhabited this region. Their own name means “hat”, and is thought to relate to their long hair, which they bound up on their head in turban-like fashion. The German form of the name is Hessen.” (Room).

Turinge: = “ Thuringia. Region, southern Germany. The region takes its name from the Thoringi or Thuringi who formerly lived here.” (Room) (cf. Duby, p.118, carte A; Penguin Atlas, II, p.248).

Those of Hesse, Saxons and of Thuringia: « About the end of July, three great armies, strategically disposed for carrying the war into France, were advancing to the frontier, and they amounted in the whole to some half-million of men, with some 1,500 pieces of artillery. Besides these, there was the Army of the North, watching various points that were supposed to be menaced by the naval operations of the enemy, and certainly 100,000 landwehr gathering in the interior to protect the lines of railway, etc. First Army, under General Steinmetz, composed of the following corps d’armée: - 7th Westphalians, 8th Rhineland, 10th, Hanoverians, … Second Army, under Prince Frederick Charles (but nominally commanded by the King), composed as follows: - 1st, East Prussian, 2nd, Pomeranian, 3rd, Brandenburghers, 4th, Prussians, Saxons and ThoringiansThe Third Army, under the Crown Prince of Prussia, was composed of the following corps: - 5th, Poseners, 6th, Silesians, 11th, Hesse and Nassau. Bavarian, Baden, and Wurtemburg Contingents. …» (Rich, II, p.245-246).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

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§693

19th century:

§693 Prussian besiegement of Paris; the Paris Commune (1870-1871): V-81.

 

V-81:

The royal bird over the solar city,

Seven months in front shall make a nocturnal augury:

The wall of the Orient shall fall, thunder, lightning,

Seven days at the gates the enemies just now.

 

(L'oyseau royal sur la cité solaire,

Sept moys devant fera nocturne augure:

Mur d'Orient cherra tonnerre, esclaire,

Sept jours aux portes les ennemis à lheure.)

 

NOTES: The royal bird: = « The royal eagle of Prussia.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1876b, p.47).

The solar city: = « The city of light (ville-lumière), as Mr. V. Hugo called then Paris.» (id.).

Seven months in front: The Prussian besiegement of Paris from September 19th, 1870, till March 1st, 1871, when the Prussian army entered the city (cf. Serman, 1986, p.576-577).

The royal bird shall make a nocturnal augury: The besiegement of seven months was announcing the final defeat of France. (Torné-Chavigny, id.).

The royal bird over the solar city: This is substantially equal to saying that the Prussian flag is going to be hoisted in the sky of Paris. Then, the expression of the first line is not a signal of such an alliance as imagined by Fontbrune (1999, p.16) between the U.S. (represented by the american eagle) and Egypt (represented by its ancient capital of Heliopolis, the Sun city) in the first gulf war, but of a conquest of the enemy just according to a traditional military habit of victorious soldiers. Moreover, that alliance is not representative of the vast international coalition then formed among the UN, its principal Arab power not having been Egypt, but Saudi Arabia (cf. Reynolds, 2000, p.588).

The wall of the Orient shall fall, thunder, lightning, Seven days at the gates the enemies just now: = The wall of the Orient shall fall [through] thunder [&] lightning [in] seven days, the enemies [having been] at the gates just now: « The League [Paris Commune], after having abandoned the approaches, deserted the occident, the north and the south of Paris in order to build up the last rampart in the “Orient”. This wall (the barricades) fell under the thundering strikes of cannon, after seven days’ combat, from the moment when the Versailles troops had been at the gates a little while ago.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1876b, p.47).

The interpretation of the wall of the Orient by Fontbrune as the wall of Berlin is not pertinent because he pretends that the collapse of the Wall which he features in a joyful festival on the Gate of Brandenburg on Decembe 31, 1989, was a dark signal before seven months of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (August 1990) (Fontbrune, id.), which is historically and psychologically a nonsense, of course,  and grammatically wrong because the French grammar invites us to read the verses in question as follows: The royal bird over the solar city shall make a nocturnal augury [of the capitulation of France, against which the Parisians shall rise in rebellion and their last ] wall of the Orient shall fall.

And the so-called collapse of the wall of Berlin is not, in reality, a material fall of the partitions, but an unexpectedly authorized free exit from East Germany beginning on the evening of November 9th, 1989
(cf. DKHistory, p.447). And if this authorized opening of the border between East and West Berlin with the ensuing [official] razing of the wall fabric (10 November 1989/[summer 1990] – 9 December 2000 [cf. Williams, 2003, p.41; Archives of the Land of Berlin, 2008, p.118]; Waldenburg, 1990, p.119; DKHistory, id.) can be called figuratively and historically “the fall of the Berlin Wall” (Williams, id.; Archives of the Land of Berlin, id.; Judt, 2005, p.615), the naming of “the wall of the Orient” for the Berlin Wall does not match the fact because it is above all the obstacle on the west border of East Berlin against the East Berliners.

Nostradamus’ real prophecy of the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 is the quatrain II-57 (§922) pronouncing that: “ Before the conflict the great wall (le grand mur) shall fall…” (Ionescu, 1993, p.164-167), “the conflict” being between Ceausescu and his nation in the following December. In fact, « Round the whole of West Berlin there thus developed a 166 kilometre-long border system consisting of walls, metal fences, alarm fences, tank-traps, dog-runs, trip wires, ditches and pits, searchlights, automatic shooting devices, 43 bunkers and 295 watch-towers.» (Waldenburg, 1990, p.120).

And another usage in the Prophecies of Nostradamus of the same expression: “ the great wall (le grand mur)” (§433, II-63) refers to Napoleon Bonaparte’s Italian satellite-states (of Ferrara, Bologna and Ravenna) ceded to him by the treaty of Tolentino in 1797.

On the other hand, the expression: “the wall of the Orient” of this quatrain perfectly fits the fact that it refers to the Communard barricades built in the eastern districts of the city of Paris.

The wall: « On the 18th and 19th [of May, 1871] the struggle continued with varying success, but on the whole the Versaillists still gained ground, and it was expected that the assault would be delivered within the next day or two. Nor were the people of Paris deceived in this respect. All hope of conquering the Army of Versailles outside the ramparts had been renounced by the Commune, since the defeat of the provincial towns which sided with them, and they looked forward to their one chance of a victory in the streets. For this event the most formidable works had been prepared in the form of skilfully constructed barricades, some of which resembled small fortresses. That at the angle of the Rue de Rivoli and the Rue de Saint Florentin was a veritable redoubt, supported on the right by the Ministry of Marine and on the left by the Tuileries. It was constructed of earth, and sacks filled with earth, and pierced with five embrasures. Four other barricades defended the Place de la Concorde. The Places Vendôme, Madeleine, and that of the Hôtel de Ville were strongly barricaded, as were also a great many streets in the heart of the city, and in the most populous arrondisements inhabited by the working classes. These were local, but there were others of general strategical importance, which had been constructed according to the plans of Cluseret, under the superintendence of a young colonel of engineers.» (Rich, II, p.623).

At the gates the enemies just now: « On the morning of the 21st the day when the Versailles troops entered Paris, the ramparts and the neighbouring roads were ploughed by shot and shell. The gates of La Muette, St. Cloud, and Versailles were already half demolished, and there was the second line of defence still unmanned and unarmed. The superior officers replied to all that he could urge that there was no danger of the fortifications being forced. The Commune was about to rise from what proved to be its last sitting, at six o'clock in the evening of that day, when a despatch was received from General Dombrowski, announcing that the gate of the Point du Jour had been taken. The Versaillists were already within the enceinte, and all night long their shells and bombs fell in the direction of the Quai Voltaire. The event was a surprise to Marshal Mac-mahon himself, and the troops who first entered Paris were inside the enceinte before any one but themselves knew that so great an historical incident was impending. Versailles witnessed another triumph the next day (May 22nd), when intelligence was received of the entrance of the troops into Paris. M. Thiers, addressing the Chamber, said: " The cause of right, liberty, order, and civilization is triumphant. Our admirable army is shedding its generous blood, and exhibiting its valour. By the aid of the powerful artillery brought into play the approaches have been pushed forward with great rapidity. It was so difficult an undertaking to drive a sap over so extended a space that we did not consider that the assault could be made yet for three or four days. General Douay, having observed that the Porte de St. Cloud had been abandoned, sent forward his troops. On the left, General Ladmirault took the gates of Passy and Auteuil, and then turning to the left, seized the Arc de Triomphe. General Vinoy, entering by the Point du Jour, passed the Seine, and opened the gate of Sevres to General Cissey. By two o'clock General Cissey was master of the Faubourg St. Germain as far as Mont Parnasse, and General Clinchamps was at the New Opera House. The slight resistance we have met with warrants us in hoping that Paris will soon be restored to its true sovereign — to France. We will visit with the rigour of the law those men who have been guilty of crime against France, and have not shrunk from assassination or the destruction of national monuments. The expiation shall be complete.".» (Rich, II, p.623-625).

Thunder, lightning: « Marshal Macmahon issued orders that only those barricades were to be stormed that were of strategical importance; all others were to be turned. It thus happened that the arrival of General Clinchant on the boulevards on the evening of the 22nd of May caused the defences of the Tuileries and the Barricade St. Florentine to be abandoned. For the same reason the insurgents, driven back upon the Louvres, felt it prudent to evacuate their entrenchment when they found they were taken by the boulevard of Sebastopol. The Marshal's plan of action was always to extend his line, so as to turn and outflank his enemy. " On May 23rd," says Vésinier, who may be trusted for these details, " the defenders of the Commune cannonaded with bomb and shell from the Buttes Montmartre, which were armed with two hundred cannons, and commanded the whole of Paris, the enemy's positions at the Champs de Mars, the Trocadero, etc., in such a style that they were almost untenable. These heights formed the most important, most elevated, and best armed position of the Commune. The efforts of the invaders were, therefore, early on the morning of the 23rd, principally directed against them..." The Pradié brigade of the 1st corps, at the head of which were the volunteers of the Seine, arrived first at the battery of Moulin de la Galette; and soon afterwards a company of the 10th battalion of chasseurs, supported by a vigorous attack from General Wolff, hoisted the tricolour on the Solferino Tower. It was one o'clock. " We were masters of the great fortress of the Commune, the heart of the insurrection — a formidable position, from which the insurgents could cover all Paris with their fire. More than a hundred cannons, with considerable stores of arms and ammunition, fell into our hands." The strength of the Versailles army engaged in these operations was about 90,000 men; so desperate was the struggle to plant the tricolour upon the Montmartre buttes and the Northern Railway station. The victorious troops immediately erected several batteries in Montmartre, one with eight naval guns of large calibre. These and other guns opened a heavy fire during the night between the 23rd and 24th of May on the Quartier du Temple and the Hôtel de Ville. During this night the Tuileries burst out in flames, and the Palais Royal, the Theatre Lyrique, and the Chatelet, the Palais de Justice, the Prefecture of Police, and other public buildings shared the same fate. The Luxemburg and Pantheon fell into the hands of the troops at four o'clock, and all their defenders who were unable to escape were instantly shot. The scene as witnessed from the top of the Belleville heights [we once more quote the official historian of the Commune] was " the most imposing, terrific, and horrible spectacle that can possibly be imagined. A long line of fire lighted up Paris as if it were broad day, the Seine separating and cutting it in two. The flames seemed to reach the clouds and lick the heavens. They were as intense and brilliant as the rays of the sun. The hearths from which they arose were more white-red, more incandescent, than the hottest furnace. In comparison with them the electric light grew pale. Some, with fiercer nuclei in their midst than the rest, displayed a brilliancy beyond all description. From time to time terrific explosions [thunder] were heard, while immense sheaves of flame and balls of fire and sparks rose above the rest to the heavens, piercing the clouds. They were like enormous bouquets of fireworks. Never had we beheld such a terrifying sublimity. And all the time we were witnessing this imposing and fearful spectacle the Versaillist batteries poured forth bomb and shell, whose sinister flashes, curves, globes, and cylinders of fire, leaving as it were their trails on the night, we followed with the eye. Their fiery lines crossed each other high over burning Paris. It was magical, sublime, terrible. It seemed as though, in a world of fire, we were attending a pyrotechnical exhibition, a lightning play of invisible giants juggling with fire-balls. The conflagrations sprang up under the effect of bomb and shell as if by magic. Wherever any shell bursts, they seemed to burn weakly at first, but rapidly increased in intensity, and rising like giants, illuminated the horizon. It is no exaggeration to say that they multiplied with the rapidity of lightning [lightning]. It was a sight of terror to behold the spontaneous bursting of these multitudes of brilliant ovens. The fires in Paris increased in a most fearful manner. The city presented the aspect of a parterre of fire, with conflagrations instead of roses."» (Rich, II, p.627-629).

The wall of the Orient shall fall seven days: « On the 25th, those [Forts] at Montrouge, Bicêtre and Ivry, and the redoubts of Hautes Bruyères and Villejuif, were taken. Within the walls, the Barrière d'ltalie, the Butte aux Cailles, the Orleans railway station, the Jardin des Plantes, and the Halle aux Vins, on the left bank of the river, were occupied. On the right, the troops held the Lyons railway station, Mazas, the Grenier d'Abondance, the National Printing Office, the Place du Château d'Eau, the Prince Eugene Barracks, and the Arts and Métiers Square. Next day (May 26th), the Place de la Bastille was turned on the east, and all the avenues, boulevards, and streets abutting on it were occupied by the enemy. The reader who knows the topography of Paris, or inspects the plan of the city [cf. Serman, 1986, p.495], will understand that when these operations were accomplished, with the troops already in possession of the heights of Montmartre on the north, the occupation a little later of the Place du Trône, and the simultaneous advance of the troops along the ramparts, the quarter of Belleville was being literally hemmed in by a circle of fire and steel. Macmahon's plan of attack was clear to the leaders of the Commune, and they prepared to meet it by constructing numerous barricades at the ramparts, and between the gates of Vincennes and Pantin. They barricaded also every great thoroughfare leading from the centre of Paris to the ramparts, so as to secure the rear of La Petite Villette, Ménilmontant, Belleville, and Charonne. Powerful batteries were also established on the heights opposite bastions 19, 20, and 21, near the gates of Ménilmontant, Près St. Gervais, and Romain-ville, so as to sweep the rampart road up to the gates of Pantin and Vincennes [cf. Rich, II, between pp. 572-573: plan of Paris and its Fortifications]. The Belleville heights were thus converted into a very citadel, as certain to fall as any other besieged place invested by a sufficiently numerous and skilfully handled force. This, in fact, was exactly the case, and to die fighting, like tigers at bay, was all that the insurgents could now propose to themselves. Fight they did, and fight gallantly. Every barricade in succession stood a siege; and if in any instance the defenders offered to surrender on condition of their lives being spared, the offer was sternly refused, and the struggle continued. It is said that the combatants were maddened by using as a stimulant tobacco soaked in spirits. During the fighting for Belleville on the 26th, an English medical student, who has related his experiences of the last days of the Commune, states that he saw a battalion of women, armed with Snider rifles, fighting with the greatest courage. Among them were many pretty-looking young girls. He says "they fought like devils, 'far better than the men’”… The situation of the Communists became every moment more critical. Escape from the fiery furnace that was kindled around them was impossible. If they fled before the fire of the cannon on one side, it was to face the leaden hail of the more terrible mitrailleuses on the other, or to fall by the swords of Barail's cavalry, which scoured the roads leading outwards. That night the aspect of Paris was indescribably awful. The buildings of Versailles, at the distance of twelve miles, were reddened by the flames whose aurora was even reflected in the ornamental water and the basin of Apollo. The operations were resumed at four o'clock in the morning of the 27th, when the troops opened fire on the insurgents from their new batteries erected during the night on the road in front of the cattle market near the Ourcq canal. This was an evil sign for the defenders of Belleville, as it proved that the turning movement was extending in their rear on the north-western or right of their position. On the left a similar movement was commenced by an assault on the position in the cemetery of Père la Chaise, which was defended by two batteries and a row of barricades. The insurgents, forced back on all sides, retreated skirmishing, sheltering themselves behind the tombstones; but the troops, advancing through the avenues, soon reached the high grounds of the cemetery, where, at the foot of the Demidoff monument, the most powerful batteries had been erected. M. Vésinier says, " It was not until after a most desperate fight, the massacre of the gunners at their pieces, and shooting down of the National Guards, that the cemetery was taken. More than six thousand dead bodies strewed the avenues and tombs. Many were murdered in the graves where they had sought shelter, and dyed the coffins with their blood. The massacre was frightful." Only a fanatical admirer of the Commune is likely to be misled by M. Vésinier's choice of language, in which to describe the incidents of a battle as important in its results, and as obstinately contested as any in history. Thus, step by step, the insurgents were driven in on their positions till, on the night of the 27th, they were enclosed within a space of a few hundred metres in width, and the distance from bastion 15 to bastion 21 in length, forming a segment of a circle. Here they fought heroically and hopelessly till the enemy, having become master of the Rue Haxo, advanced upon the last remnant of the National Guard "like an irresistible sea of fire." The last blow was struck on Sunday the 28th, when, at 2.15 p.m., an official circular announced that the insurrection was crushed.» (Rich, II, p.630-631).

This fierce combat (21-28 May) is summarized in history as the bloody week (la semaine sanglante ) (Jouette; Aoyama, 1992; Noël, 2010, p.80; Bidouze, 1991, p.94).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§694

19th century:

§694 The Tuileries burnt (1870-1871): IV-100.

 

IV-100:

The celestial fire upon the Royal building,

When the light of Mars shall weaken:

Seven months a great war, harmful people dead,

Rouen, Evreux shall not escape the King.

 

(De feu celeste au Royal edifice,

Quant la lumiere de Mars deffaillira:

Sept moys grand guerre, mort gent de malefice,

Rouen, Evreux au Roy ne faillira.)

 

NOTES: Here is a good solution by Vignois (1910, p.327): « The fire of arson, scourge of God, destroyed the imperial palace of the Tuileries when Napoleon III had fallen from his throne. After the seven months’ great foreign war, the partisans of the Commune were put to death. During this interval, Rouen and Evreux could not escape the occupation by the King of Prussia.»

The celestial fire: = the fire of heaven (§692,V-100) = the insurrection of the Paris Commune. In particular, it is the fire of arsonists of the Commune: « The victorious troops immediately erected several batteries in Montmartre, one with eight naval guns of large calibre. These and other guns opened a heavy fire during the night between the 23rd and 24th of May on the Quartier du Temple and the Hôtel de Ville. During this night the Tuileries burst out in flames, and the Palais Royal, the Theatre Lyrique, and the Chatelet, the Palais de Justice, the Prefecture of Police, and other public buildings shared the same fate… With respect to the origin of these fires, we do not propose in these pages to discuss the question of the degree of guilt incurred by the Commune, or by individual members of that body; but we are compelled to add that we have sought through M. Vésinier's book in vain for the proofs of their innocence. On the other hand, documents are cited by the author of the Guerre des Communeux de Paris, which, if they are not forgeries, can only be read in one sense. The following is said to have emanated from the Committee of Public Safety on the 24th:—

" The Citizen Millière, at the head of 150 fuséens, will fire the suspected houses and the public monuments on the left bank.

"The Citizen Dereure, with 100 fuséens, is charged with the first and second arrondissements.

" The Citizen Billioray, with 100 men, is charged with the ninth, tenth, and twentieth arrondissements.

" The Citizen Vésinier, with 50 men, is charged especially with the Boulevards of the Madeleine and the Bastille.

" These chiefs must come to an understanding with the chiefs of the barricades, to assure the execution of these orders."

The signatures affixed to this document purport to be those of Delescluze, Régere, Ranvier, Johannard, Vésinier, Brunel, and Dombrowski. If this paper is a forgery, the doubt is answered, and the same remark applies to the following: —

" Ministry of War — Minister's Office.

" To Citizen Lucas. — Set fire immediately to the Ministry of Finance, and rejoin us.

(Signed) " Th. Ferre."

Then we have the testimony of the Abbé Lamazou that a proclamation was issued by Dombrowski, in which he laid down as the programme of defence:

" After the ramparts, the barricades; after the barricades, the houses; after the houses, fire and mines to burn and blow up all."

The authenticity of these and similar documents has to be proved before they can be accepted as conclusive evidence; but in the meantime collateral circumstances must be allowed their due weight. The authority for the above documents — an officer of the Versailles army — is pledged to the substantial truth of the circumstances he records, and he states as a fact that an army of 8,000 incendiaries was actually organized to burn Paris, and that this army, which had enrolled in its ranks a number of horrible old women of shameless lives, had its hierarchy and its instructions: " Each squad of pétroleurs or pétroleuses had a quarter designated for the theatre of its operations. The orders to burn the public edifices bore the stamp of the Commune, that of the Central Committee, and the seal of the Civil Delegate of War. With respect to private houses, they had judged it more convenient to use an adhesive stamp. There were found gummed to certain houses, tickets about the size of postage stamps, some square, some oval, having in their centre the head of a bacchante, and impressed with the letters B. P. B. (bon pour brûler [nice to burn]). The chiefs of the incendiaries fastened these tickets on the houses condemned to be burnt. Ten francs was the price paid to the pétroleurs for each house they fired successfully."» (Rich, II, p.628-629).

Mars: = Mars (§649, VIII-85) = Napoleon III as « the Man on Horseback » (Guerard, 1955, p. 201).

Seven months a great war: Since the French declaration of war on July 19th in 1870 upon Prussia till the capitulation of France on February 26th in 1871 (Jouette).

Harmful people dead: « History has rarely known a more unpatriotic crime than that of the insurrection of the commune; but the punishment inflicted on the insurgents by the Versailles troops was so ruthless that it seemed to be a counter-manifestation of French hatred for Frenchmen in civil disturbance rather than a judicial penalty applied to a heinous offence. The number of Parisians killed by French soldiers in the last week of May, 1871, was probably twenty thousand, though the partisans of the commune declared that thirty-six thousand men and women were shot in the streets or after summary court-martial» (HH, XIII, p.185-186).

Rouen, Evreux shall not escape the King: « The army of General Chanzy, which we left in position on the Mayenne, with its centre at Laval, now claims our attention. We have recorded how Chanzy stood at bay at every stage of his retreat from Orleans; and while he kept the enemy in his front, never for a moment forgot that his objective was Paris. The last stage of his retreat was indeed effected in accordance with orders from the Minister of War, and contrary to Chanzy's better judgment. Yet even in these circumstances he made the best of the situation, and took up a strong defensive position with a broad and deep river in his front, and with the alternative of a retreat northward to Carentan in the event of further defeat; or otherwise, an advance in a north-easterly direction over the line of the Eure above Dreux. The position in which he thus stood on guard on the morning of the I7tn of January, when Bourbaki made his last endeavour at Héricourt, extended some sixteen miles along the river from Laval to Mayenne, and a still greater distance south and north of the ground on which his chief strength was concentrated. The 1st and 3rd divisions of the 16th corps stood in front of Laval, on the left bank of the river. Other dispositions were made to meet the attacks which threatened various points of the line, and on the 18th of January a slight action occurred between the advanced guards of the two armies at Sainte-Mélaine. Still nothing important enough to affect the relative situation of the two armies had taken place until the 22nd of January, when Chanzy reported to the Minister of War certain movements of the enemy in front of his position, of which he could not quite understand the object. Alençon had been evacuated, and the corps which had moved up to positions within sight of Laval had withdrawn in an easterly direction, while other divisions on the right bank of the Loire were inactive. What might all this portend ? Chanzy surmised that something had occurred within the lines of investment around Paris, and the reader has the advantage of knowing that the event in question was the great sortie against Buzenval, the disturbing influence of which had reached thus far. Chanzy sent out reconnaissances to watch the enemy's movements, and began gradually to strengthen his left, hoping that he might yet seize an opportunity to resume the offensive by marching in the direction of the Seine. Every precaution against this had, however, been taken by the enemy; for while Prince Frederick Charles menaced Chanzy's front, two columns were sent in a northerly direction under the command of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, with orders to disperse the Francs-tireurs in the department of the Eure [Evreux], and prevent the Armies of the North and West from establishing communications. There was, in consequence, some fighting at Orbec and Bernay (January 21st and 22nd), and everywhere as the Duke advanced the retreating French were driven right and left in a panic. On the 26th the two columns arrived at Rouen [Rouen], and effected a junction with the forces of Goeben, fresh from the action of St. Quentin [ Rouen, Evreux shall not escape the King]. Chanzy in the meanwhile prepared for the opportunity that the chances of war might after all possibly afford him by organizing an independent force for the defence of Brittany and the Loire-Inférieure, and he was engaged in the reconstitution of the various corps, with this object in view, when intelligence of the armistice reached him in the afternoon of Jan. 29th. This was a blow which the gallant commander of the Second Army of the Loire had not anticipated. It is true that Faidherbe in the north was for the moment defeated, and the army of Bourbaki was hopelessly disorganised; but, on the other hand, the Second Army of the Loire counted 140 thousand combatants, and during the last ten days had been preparing for a fresh effort against the enemy. The capitulation of Paris had suddenly left this intended effort without an objective, and instead of a march on Paris from his strong position at Laval, it was the fate of Chanzy to fall back, and place a respectful distance between himself and his enemy in terms of the armistice. The positions to which he retired were in front of Poitiers, (where Chanzy now established his head-quarters,) south of the Loire, and west of its tributary, the Creuse. The military arrangements imposed on the Government were all to the advantage of the Germans in case the National Assembly about to be convened should declare for the continuance of the war. If the resumption of the struggle was not rendered impossible, it was at least reduced to an act of despair, as the line of demarcation agreed upon left it in the power of the enemy to advance by either bank of the Loire, and pour his forces over the whole south of France. Nantes and Bordeaux were both placed at his mercy. The history of the Second Army of the Loire is terminated when we add that it furnished twenty-one regiments of infantry, three battalions of chasseurs, nine regiments of cavalry, and fourteen batteries to the Army of Versailles, which crushed the Commune of Paris.» (Rich, II, p.535-537).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§695

19th century:

§695 Improved shells onto Paris; The Paris Commune crushed (1871): VI-34.

 

VI-34:

The machination of flying fires,

Shall come to trouble the besieged on a large scale:

Inside shall be such a revolt,

That the sufferers shall be in despair.

 

(De feu vloant la machination,

Viendra troubler au grand chef assiegés:

Dedans sera telle sedition,

Qu'en desespoir seront les profligés.)

 

NOTES: Vloant: = volant (9).

The machination of flying fires: « The Gironde (January 14, 1871): The glory of the Prussians urged that the shells improved by Mr. Krupp should go to pour out oil upon our marvelous monuments for which all of German gold couldn’t be sufficient to pay. This petroleum characterizes the war waged against us. How to measure, in such a case, the inexhaustible hatred that accumulates in our hearts ? » (cité Torné-Chavigny, 1870 [April 12, 1871], p.220).

Au grand chef: = on a large scale, seeing that another like idiom: au premier chef does signify « in the highest degree », « essentially » (Dubois).

The machination of flying fires, Shall come to trouble the besieged on a large scale: « At last bombardment brought the siege to an end. The Prussians launched enormous shells, larger than any that had yet been known, into the town, on to the monuments which are the pride of civilisation, on to the hospitals, on to the schools where sometimes the dead bodies of five or six children would be found. They fell, not on the ramparts, but in Paris. All through the night these huge masses of metal, whose fall meant death and destruction, were heard whizzing through the air.» (HH, XIII, p.165).

Inside shall be such a revolt: « While France and Prussia were negotiating the end of the Franco-Prussian war in 1871, angry Parisians had risen up over the surrender and established the radical Paris Commune. A council of citizens – including republicans, Jacobins, socialists, and anarchists – governed Paris for over two months [18 March to 28 May]. The retaliation of the National Assembly, which had relocated to Versailles, was swift. Troops were sent to Paris and 20,000 people were killed.» (DKHistory, p.314).

That the sufferers shall be in despair: « The situation of the Communists [the sufferers] became every moment more critical. Escape from the fiery furnace that was kindled around them was impossible. If they fled before the fire of the cannon on one side, it was to face the leaden hail of the more terrible mitrailleuses on the other, or to fall by the swords of Barail's cavalry, which scoured the roads leading outwards. That night the aspect of Paris was indescribably awful. The buildings of Versailles, at the distance of twelve miles, were reddened by the flames whose aurora was even reflected in the ornamental water and the basin of Apollo. The operations were resumed at four o'clock in the morning of the 27th, when the troops opened fire on the insurgents from their new batteries erected during the night on the road in front of the cattle market near the Ourcq canal. This was an evil sign for the defenders of Belleville, as it proved that the turning movement was extending in their rear on the north-western or right of their position. On the left a similar movement was commenced by an assault on the position in the cemetery of Père la Chaise, which was defended by two batteries and a row of barricades. The insurgents, forced back on all sides, retreated skirmishing, sheltering themselves behind the tombstones; but the troops, advancing through the avenues, soon reached the high grounds of the cemetery, where, at the foot of the Demidoff monument, the most powerful batteries had been erected. Thus, step by step, the insurgents were driven in on their positions till, on the night of the 27th, they were enclosed within a space of a few hundred metres in width, and the distance from bastion 15 to bastion 21 in length, forming a segment of a circle. Here they fought heroically and hopelessly [in despair] till the enemy, having become master of the Rue Haxo, advanced upon the last remnant of the National Guard like an irresistible sea of fire. The last blow was struck on Sunday the 28th, when, at 2.15 p.m., an official circular announced that the insurrection was crushed.» (Rich, II, p.630-631).

As to the interpretation of this quatrain by St. Robb (1961a, p.125-126) followed by Ionescu (1976, p.498), his theme of the German conquest of France  in 1940 cannot explain the verses: Inside shall be such a revolt, That the sufferers shall be in despair because there had been no such desperate revolt in Paris at the moment.

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§696

19th century:

§696 Capitulation of France; The Paris Commune crushed (1871): VII-18.

 

VII-18:

The besieged shall endeavor to realize more favorable pacts,

Then they shall effect a cruel result of seven days:

The hemmed-in fire, blood, seven put to the axe

The captive lady who had made up the peace.

 

(Les assiegés couloureront leurs paches,

Sept jours apres feront cruelle issue:

Dans repoulsés, feu, sang, sept mis à l'hache

Dame captive qu'auoit la paix tissue.)

 

NOTES: Centurio (1953, p.154) is the first interpreter of the quatrain with the theme of Surrender of Paris in 1871, although wanting in thorough explication.

Pache: = « pacte (pact, contract), accord (agreement), convention (covenant).» (Godefroy).

Coulourer: = « Colorer; Coloré. D’apparence satisfaisante, plausible.» (Huguet); « = günstiger gestalten (to make up in a more favorable form).» (Centurio, id.).

The besieged shall endeavor to realize more favorable pacts: « After the capitulation of Sedan the headquarters of King William was fixed in Rheims on the 5th of September; in Meaux on the 15th; in the Villa Ferrifères of Rothschild near Lagny on the 18th. From here he went to Versailles on October 15th. Many important diplomatic documents and oral transactions date from this period. In a circular letter of September 6th, Favre [a leading republican of the ministry] declared that since the fall of the empire the king of Prussia could have no pretext for continuing the war; that the present government never desired the war with Germany, but if the king insisted, would indeed accept it, but would make him responsible for it; and in any case, no matter how the war might result, not a foot of land, not a stone of a fortress would be ceded. Bismarck's answer to this, in a circular letter of September 13th, was that since the representatives, the senate, and the press in France had in July, 1870, almost unanimously demanded the war of conquest in Germany, it could not be said that France had not desired it, and that the imperial government alone was responsible for it. Germany would have to expect a war of revenge on the part of France, even though she should demand no surrender of territory and no indemnity, and should be content with glory alone. For this reason Germany was forced to take measures for her own safety, by setting back somewhat her boundaries, thus making the next attack by the French on the heretofore defenceless south-German border more difficult. The neutral powers, with the exception of Russia, were in favour of France, and seemed to be inclined to interfere in any possible negotiations for peace, and to hinder any oppressive measures against France. As Thiers was at that time making his tour through Europe for this very purpose, Bismarck issued a second circular letter on September 16th, in which he advised the powers not to prolong the war by fostering in the heart of the French nation the hope of their intervention; for since the German nation had fought this war alone, it would also conclude it without assistance, and would submit to no interference from any side whatever. The German governments and the German nation were determined that Germany should be protected against France by strengthened frontiers. The fortresses of Strasburg and Metz, until now always open to sorties against Germany, must be surrendered to Germany, and be for her defence henceforth.» (HH, XIII, p.172).

« The Parisian government, which since the annihilation of the French armies had been so much in favour of peace, now wished to know under what conditions King William would consent to a truce. Favre demanded a meeting with Bismarck, and had several interviews with him on this subject in the Villa Ferrières, on September 19th and 20th. He declared that the most France could consent to was to agree to pay an indemnity, but any cession of territory was out of the question. In order to decide this, a national assembly must be convened, which would then appoint a regular government, and to facilitate these measures a truce of from fourteen to twenty-one days was necessary; and he now asked for this favour. Bismarck replied that such a truce would be not at all to the military interest of Germany, and could only be conceded on condition of the surrender of Metz, Toul, and Bitsch. As the Parisian government would not consent to these conditions, negotiations were stopped, and Favre and other French diplomats issued new circular letters in which they deplored the intention of Prussia to reduce France to a power of the second degree. The absurdity of such an assertion - that a state of thirty-eight million inhabitants, or including Algeria forty-two million, could by the loss of a territory containing about one and one-half millions be reduced to the condition of a second-rate power - was exposed in its entire falsity by Bismarck in his despatch of October 1st. Nevertheless, a few weeks later, negotiations were once more resumed; Thiers, who had returned from his tour, appeared at Versailles on November 1st as the new negotiator. Here also the first question to be discussed was the cessation of hostilities; and when Bismarck asked in surprise what France had to offer as a return for all these concessions, Thiers absurdly enough imagined he was very ingenious when he answered that she had nothing: and upon this, these negotiations also fell through. The republican government was, as was plainly to be seen, animated by a childish stubbornness- consumed by the idea of its own importance. In every war in which France was victorious, the hardest possible conditions were imposed upon the vanquished enemy, who was never permitted to escape territorial concessions. Even quite recently, in the Italian war of 1859, after the two victories of Magenta and Solferino, the surrender of Lombardy was demanded. That in case of French victory the whole left bank of the Rhine would be lost to Germany was disputed by no intelligent person in Europe. And yet France had the effrontery to demand from the same opponent from whom she had taken so many territories in former decades, and from whom she as victor had just taken her fairest provinces, that the entirety of the French frontiers should be respected as sacred, and that no attempt should be made to recover the lost provinces. Such arrogant pretensions could be answered only by new defeats. Humiliations must be much deeper, distress especially in Paris much more bitter, before France could realise that every nation, consequently even the French, must suffer for its sins. So the cannon had to speak again, and times were very lively before Paris, as well as at other points.» (HH, XIII, p.172-173).

« The French army had been divided into three corps under generals Vinoy, Bellemare, and Ducrot. The routes were few in number and were moreover confined at various points by barricades which left only narrow passages. The three generals not having concerted together on the matter of time, the various corps jostled one another and became mutually entangled in this painful night-march. But the day began well. The cannon of the French, which they had at last managed to mount to the right of Montretout, swept the ranks of the assailants. They gave way; the summit was at last in the hands of the French. The fire of the enemy relaxed, then ceased. The line of the German outposts remained in the hands of the French; might they hope that the next day they would be able to force that second and formidable line against which they had flung themselves? The leaders thought not. Trochu had hurried from Mont Valérien to that ridge of Montretout which had been victoriously retained. He judged it useless to renew the effort and ordered the retreat. The Germans made no attempt to harass the retiring forces. It was as at Champigny, a half victory terminated by a retreat; but this time it was impossible to begin again. Little confident in the morning, Trochu was wholly discouraged by the evening. On hearing of the retreat Jules Favre felt with Trochu that all was lost. At most the means of warding off starvation were only sufficient for twelve or thirteen days. It was calculated that it would take ten to collect new supplies. That same night the government received two despatches, one of which announced the unfortunate issue of the battle of Le Mans; in the other, written before Chanzy's reverse was known at Bordeaux, Gambetta called on his colleagues in Paris to rive battle, threatening to inform France of his sentiments on their inaction if tney still delayed. The painful irritation of this letter testified that the writer felt the supreme hour was approaching. The fight he demanded had just been ended; the cautious general at Paris had fought like the bold general of Le Mans: both had failed. A minority of the members of the government at Paris once more stiffened themselves against the terrible necessity. They demanded another general if Trochu refused to make a new effort. The line and the garde mobile demanded peace; the national guard alone wished to fight again. Jules Favre despatched to Gambetta a melancholy despatch which was to be the last of the siege. “Though Paris surrender, France is not lost; thanks to you, she is animated by a patriotic spirit which will save her; in any case we will sign no preliminaries of peace.”» (HH, id., p.178-179).

« Eventually the members of the government contrived that Trochu should resign the military command while binding him to remain president of the council. This was the greatest token of self-abnegation and devotion that he could give. In so doing he resigned himself to going back on his word by signing the capitulation. Vinoy succeeded in the command. His succession was inaugurated by an insurrection. Several persons were killed in the crowd. This was the first act of civil war after four months of siege. After two conferences with Bismarck, Jules Favre agreed to the capitulation of Paris, concluded with the condition that the German army should not enter Paris during the duration of the armistice. The convention of Paris was concluded on January 28th. An armistice of three weeks was agreed to, although this did not include the three eastern departments in which the destruction of Bourbaki's army was just taking place. During this time a national assembly was to be chosen to decide on the question of war or peace; all the forts of Paris and the war supplies were handed over to the German troops; the garrisons of Paris and of the forts were taken prisoners and had to give up their arms, although they still remained in Paris and had to be supported by the town authorities. One division of twelve thousand men was to be kept to maintain order and the same exception was made in the case of the whole national guard, against Moltke's will and at the desire of Favre, who repented of it later. The city of Paris had to pay a war tax of two hundred million francs within fourteen days, and was allowed to provision itself. On the 29th of January the surrender of the twenty-five larger and smaller forts to the German troops took place and the black-white-and-red flag was raised on them. This convention was very unwelcome to Gambetta. However, he thought he might use the respite of three weeks to equip new troops and hoped by controlling the impending elections to bring together a radical national assembly, resolved to continue the war à l’outrance. For this purpose he published a proscription list on the 31st of January, according to which everyone who had received a higher office or an official candidacy from the imperial government was declared ineligible. Bismarck and the Parisian government protested energetically against such an arbitrary act and insisted upon free elections. In the German headquarters it was decided to take the most extreme measures, and new plans of operations were already drawn up. Gambetta, being abandoned by the other members of the representive government, resigned on February 6th. On the 8th of February elections were held throughout France, and on the 12th the national assembly was opened at Bordeaux. Thiers was chosen chief of the executive on the 17th, formed his ministry on the 19th, and on the 21st, accompanied by the ministers Favre and Picard, he went to Versailles, commissioned by the national assembly, to begin the peace negociations.» (HH, id., p.179).

« France and Paris had so long been separated that, when they again met face to face, they did not recognise each other. Paris could not forgive the provinces for not coming to her rescue, the provinces could not forgive Paris her perpetual revolutions and the state of nervous excitability in which she seemed to delight. While the provinces, crushed, requisitioned, worn out by the enemy, were hoping for rest which would enable their wounds to heal, Paris, like an Olympic circus, was re-echoing more noisily than ever to the sound of arms and warlike cries. It was the intermediate time between a government which had ceased to exist and a government which was not yet formed; executive bodies were hesitating, not knowing exactly whom to obey, not daring to come to any decision under any circumstances: dissolution was general and indecision permanent. It was a costly mistake for the Germans to insist on the spectacular parade through so inflammable a city as Paris; and Jules Favre describes the earnestness with which Thiers pleaded with Bismarck and Von Moltke against the project. The Prussians insisted, however, either on keeping the city of Belfort, or on the glory of the triumph in Paris. Thiers protested against the seizure of Belfort in the following words: '' Well, then, let it be as you will, Monsieur le comte - these negotiations are nothing but a pretence. We may seem to deliberate, but we must pass under your yoke. We demand of you a city which is absolutely French: you refuse it: that amounts to confessing that you are resolved on a war of extermination against us. Carry it into effect: ravage our provinces, burn our houses, slaughter the inoffensive inhabitants - in a word, finish your work. We will fight you to the last gasp. We may succumb; at least we shall not be dishonoured ! " Herr von Bismarck seemed disturbed, says Favre. The emotion of Thiers had won him over. He answered that he understood what he must be suffering, and that he should be happy to be able to make a concession, if the king consented. It is an unlooked-for spectacle - a Bismarck almost melted and a Moltke almost sentimental, preferring a barren honour, the entry of their troops into Paris, to the possession of a French town, and succeeding in making their master share their point of view. We also see for ourselves that Thiers, though he was well known to be a determined advocate of peace, only obtained the very slender concessions that were made to him by threatening to struggle to the last gasp, and we repeat that a less pacific chamber and negotiators, animated by the same spirit as Gambetta, might, to all appearance, have obtained less hard conditions. After the end of the siege there may be said to have been hardly any government in Paris. General Vinoy, who was in command, had, like all the military leaders, lost his whole prestige during the siege. The army by mixing with the people had imbibed the same spirit, and the government did not interfere in anything. The news of the entry of the Prussians exasperated the people, who were burning with the fever of despair. Tumultuous demonstrations took place at the Bastille; at the same time the crowd seized the guns which had been left in the part of Paris which the Prussians were to occupy. At first they wished to keep the conquerors from getting possession of them; then they kept them, and the most distrustful of the people took them up to Montmartre. The entry of the Prussians nearly brought about a terrible conflict with these crowds, which were burning with fury. This misfortune was, however, avoided. But the march of the conquerors through Paris was not of a triumphal character. Restricted within the space which leads from Neuilly through the Champs-Élysées to the Louvre, they were defied by the street boys of Paris, and were met at every turning by threatening crowds who pursued them with yells. The second day they were obliged to beat a dejected retreat.» (HH, id., p.180-181).  

« Meanwhile the advanced republicans were organising their party; they expected to have to fight the monarchical assembly by force. The law against Paris, the law of échéance, caused great indignation. The name of Thiers recalled his struggle against the republic after 1848 and his services as minister under Louis Philippe. All this was too far distant to enable people to judge of the new rôle he intended to play. The republicans of the ministry, Jules Favre, Picard, and Jules Simon, had, after the siege, lost all influence in Paris. A great many men who inspired confidence, left the assembly. Victor Hugo, whose speech had been shouted down by the populace, and Gambetta had resigned. A severe conflict seemed imminent. Though Thiers wished on the one hand to control the royalists of the assembly, he was determined on the other to deprive of weapons the republicans of the large towns. He made a pretext for doing this by demanding the restitution of the cannon which had been seized. Some of the radical deputies intervened to prevent civil war. They had twice almost succeeded in obtaining the restitution of the cannon, and were making further efforts to do so. Paris, too, seemed gradually calming down, when Thiers decided to employ force. On the 18th of March, at daybreak, the troops, under the orders of General Vinoy, ascended the slopes of Montmartre and took possession of the cannon. But things had been so badly managed that the people were aware of what was happening. The sight of those who had been wounded in the morning enraged the crowd; the troops were surrounded and dispersed: there was not even a struggle. The soldiers no longer obeyed their officers, but mingled with the populace. All Paris was in arms: instantly barricades were raised in every direction. Thiers had for a long time held that when a rebellion is serious it is best to abandon the revolting town and only re-enter it as a conqueror. He commanded a retreat to Versailles. During the night the Hôtel-de-Ville was evacuated by the government. The insurrection had been inaugurated with terrible bloodshed. General Leconte, who in the morning commanded part of the troops at Montmartre, had been detained by the crowd with some other prisoners, and the republican Clément Thomas, who had commanded the national guard in 1848 and during the siege, had been recognised and arrested on the boulevard. These prisoners had been dragged from place to place. At last they were brought to the rue des Rosiers where a committee from Montmartre was sitting. A crowd of infuriated people assailed the house, and in the midst of a scene of wild confusion the two generals, Leconte and Clément Thomas, were pushed against the walls of the garden and riddled with bullets. This slaughter made a bloody stain on the proceedings of the day.» (HH, id., p.181-182).

Then they shall effect a cruel result of seven days: The civil war between the Versailles Government and the Paris Commune (18 March to 28 May, 1871) resulting in the bloody Week (la Semaine sanglante) (21 to 28 May). Cf. §693, V-81: The wall of the Orient shall fall, thunder, lightning, Seven days.

[For] the hemmed-in [,] fire, blood: « On the 25th, those [Forts] at Montrouge, Bicêtre and Ivry, and the redoubts of Hautes Bruyères and Villejuif, were taken. Within the walls, the Barrière d'ltalie, the Butte aux Cailles, the Orleans railway station, the Jardin des Plantes, and the Halle aux Vins, on the left bank of the river, were occupied. On the right, the troops held the Lyons railway station, Mazas, the Grenier d'Abondance, the National Printing Office, the Place du Château d'Eau, the Prince Eugene Barracks, and the Arts and Métiers Square. Next day (May 26th), the Place de la Bastille was turned on the east, and all the avenues, boulevards, and streets abutting on it were occupied by the enemy. The reader who knows the topography of Paris, or inspects the plan of the city [cf. Serman, 1986, p.495], will understand that when these operations were accomplished, with the troops already in possession of the heights of Montmartre on the north, the occupation a little later of the Place du Trône, and the simultaneous advance of the troops along the ramparts, the quarter of Belleville was being literally hemmed in [hemmed in] by a circle of fire and steel [fire, blood].» (Rich, II, p.630).

Seven put to the axe: Seven for six ecclesiastics murdered as the number of consecration. « At half-past seven in the evening of the 24th [May, 1871], the director of the prison, a man named Francois, or Lefrançais, a name-sake of the member of the Commune, and who had himself spent six years at the hulks, ascended at the head of fifty National Guards to the gallery where the principal prisoners were confined. An officer went round to each cell, summoning first the Archbishop [1], and then in succession M. Bonjean [2], the Abbé Allard [3], Fathers Ducoudray [4] and Clair [5], and the Abbé Daguerry, curé of the Madeleine [6]. As the prisoners were summoned they were marched down to the road running round the prison, on either side of which were arranged National Guards, who received the captives with insults. They were then conducted into the courtyard facing the infirmary, where they found a firing party awaiting them. Monseigneur Darboy stepped forward, and addressing his assassins, uttered a few words of pardon. Two of these men approached the Archbishop, and in face of their comrades knelt before him, beseeching his forgiveness. The other Federals at once rushed upon them, and drove them back with insulting reproaches, and then, turning towards the prisoners, gave vent to most violent expressions. Even the commander of the detachment felt ashamed of this, and, ordering silence, uttered a frightful oath, telling his men they were there "to shoot those people, not to bully them." The Federals were silenced, and upon the orders of their lieutenant loaded their weapons. Father Allard was placed against the wall, and was the first shot down. Then M. Darboy, in his turn, fell. The whole six prisoners were thus shot, all evincing the utmost calmness and courage. After this tragical execution, carried out without any formal witnesses, and in the presence only of a number of bandits, the bodies of the unfortunate victims were placed in a cart belonging to a railway company, which had been requisitioned for the purpose, and were taken to Père la Chaise, where they were placed in the last trench of the "fosse commune," side by side, without even a handful of earth to cover them. The firing party then went to the cells their victims had occupied, and destroyed the papers and books they had left behind them.» (Rich, II, p.625-626).

The captive lady who had made up the peace: France [the lady] continued to be partially occupied [captive]  after the conclusion of the peace: « It was on the 20th of February that M. Thiers presented himself at Versailles. Negotiation was out of the question; for, in his own words, he found himself  " face to face with an ultimatum;" arguments availed nothing, in the absence of power to enforce them. Some modifications of details were all that could be obtained, and the time that had been consumed in vain endeavours to soften the terms had brought the negotiators dangerously near the hour when the armistice terminated. On the 26th, no alternative remained but to sign the preliminaries, which included an extension of the armistice till the 12th of March, that the National Assembly might have time to confirm the work of their diplomatic representatives. The principal conditions were: — 1… 2… 3. The French territory occupied by the German troops was to be evacuated as follows: The departments or parts of departments situated on the left of the Seine immediately after the ratification of the preliminaries by the Assembly; the rest of France at intervals as the instalments of the war indemnity were paid — that is to say, the departments of the Somme, the Oise, the Seine-Inférieure, Seine and Oise, Seine and Marne, Seine and the forts of Paris on the right bank, after the payment of the first half-milliard (£20,000,000 sterling); the Haute-Saône, the Jura, the Doubs, the Côte d'Or, the Aube and Aisne, after a second payment, not clearly indicated in the preliminaries. The six departments of the Marne, the Ardennes, the Haute-Marne, the Meuse, the Vosges, and the Meurthe, and the arrondissement of Belfort, were to remain occupied by 50,000 men until the entire payment of the indemnity. 4… 5…» (Rich, II, p. 560).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§697

19th century:

§697 ostages murdered (1871): III-48.

 

III-48:

Seven hundred captives tied roughly

To murder them by half, the lot being cast,

The near hope shall come promptly,

But not so early as a fifteenth death.

 

(Sept cents captifs estaches rudement

Pour la moitie meurtrir, donné le sort,

Le proche espoir viendra si promptement,

Mais non si tost qu'une quinzieme mort.)

 

NOTES: Here is a reasonable solution of Vignois (1910, p.329): « Seven hundred prisoners being roughly tied, they shall cast lots in order to kill them by half. Then a near hope of escaping from their destiny shall come promptly, but not so quickly as the death of fifteen persons.».

To murder them by half, the lot being cast: « They say that after the Commune the general of Gallifet accompanying to Versailles the Federate prisoners, chained with one another, made stop the column at the gate of the Muette, and that, yielding to an anger long contained, he ordered that to fire the ones and spare the others according to that his horse might turn to the left or to the right… This story is substantially true, but concerning the details several points remain to be verified, the documents to consult for about this particular fact, evoked after the event, being wanting among us.» (Vignois, id.); cf. Serman, 1986, p.519.

Seven hundred: A round number for several hundreds, more or less.

Seven hundred captives tied roughly: « It was at the taking of the last federal strongholds, Belleville, that the slaughter was most terrible, while in the parts of Paris already taken the summary shooting of prisoners was going on steadily. Meanwhile long processions of prisoners (forty thousand had been taken) were journeying with parched throats, blistered feet, and fettered hands along the road from Paris to Versailles, and as they passed through the boulevards of Louis XIV's town, they were greeted with yells and sometimes with blows. They were crowded hastily into improvised prisons, one of which was merely a large courtyard where thousands of poor wretches lived for weeks with no lodging but the muddy ground, where they were exposed to all the inclemency of the weather, and whence they were despatched by a bullet in the head when desperation incited them to rebel. The Germans, from the terraces of St. Germain, were watching the spectacle of the taking of Paris, and at night saw the great city which was the glory of France decked with its hideous crown of fires.» (HH, XIII, p.185).

Fifteenth: A round number for sixteenth.

The near hope shall come promptly, But not so early as a fifteenth death: « The last blow was struck on Sunday the 28th, when, at 2.15 p.m., an official circular announced that the insurrection was crushed. The advance of the troops to turn the insurgents'left was happily the means of saving a large number of the hostages  [The near hope shall come promptly] from sharing in the fate of Archbishop Darboy and his fellow-sufferers who perished on the 24th. There had been, however, a sad tragedy enacted in the interval. A group of sixteen distinguished persons [But not so early as a fifteenth death], together with thirty-eight gendarmes, were conveyed from La Roquette to the cemetery of Père la Chaise, and shot there in the night between the 26th and 27th. Among the victims were the Jesuit fathers Benzy, Caubert, and Ollivaint; the seminarists Gard and Seigneray; the missionary Houillon, the abbé Polanchin, the abbé Sabattier, vicar of Notre-Dame de Lorette, and Monseigneur Surat, Grand Vicar of Paris. Again, on Saturday morning, the 27th, four others, names unknown, were murdered in the prison of La Roquette, and there then remained 169 prisoners of whom 54 were sergents de ville, 15 ecclesiastics, and 100 soldiers who had refused to serve the Commune. All these were in momentary expectation of being put to death as their liberators approached. Their executioners were at hand, when, at the instigation of one of the keepers, named Pinet, who acted the part of a hero on the occasion, they barricaded themselves in the prison, and resolved to fight for their lives. Cannon had already been levelled against their defences, after a vain attempt to burn them out, when the troops, now rapidly advancing [The near hope shall come promptly] along the Boulevard Prince Eugene and the Barrière du Trône, came in sight, and the members of the Commune who were present, together with the officials of the gaol and the National Guards, fled panic-stricken. The prisoners were free.» (Rich, II, p.631).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§698

19th century:

§698 French intestine confrontation and the Paris Commune (1869-1871): V-82.

 

V-82:

Upon the concluded pact out of the fortress,

Shall not come he who is in despair:

When those of Arbois , of Langres against Bresse,

Shall take the mounts Dole, traps of enemies.

 

(Au conclud pache hors la forteresse,

Ne sortira celuy en desespoir mis:

Quant ceux d'Arbois, de Langres, contre Bresse,

Auront monts Dolle bouscade d'ennemis.)

 

NOTES: The interpretation of Fontbrune, father (1939, p.105) and son (1980, p.250), of Centurio (1953, p.125) and of Halley (1999, p.134), attributing this quatrain to the history of the defeat of the French Army of Bourbaki in 1871 with the Prussians, is not pertinent because the military configuration of the battle-field in 1871 does not match that of the quatrain stating that those of Arbois and of Langres shall take the mounts and Dole which are traps of their enemy in Bresse: which rather suggests some intestine confrontation in the district; for example, the city of Dole, above all, was left uncovered by the General in Dijon Garibaldi without being taken by the enemy because of its being off the immediate battle-field around Belfort (cf. Rich, II, p.490-491).

Conclud: = « conclu (the final “d” is justifiable by the Latin concludere).» (Clébert, 2003, p.659).

Pache: = « pacte (pact, contract), accord (agreement), convention (covenant).» (Godefroy).

Le conclud pache: = leurs paches (§696, VII-18): « It was on the 20th of February that M. Thiers presented himself at Versailles. Negotiation was out of the question; for, in his own words, he found himself  " face to face with an ultimatum;" arguments availed nothing, in the absence of power to enforce them. Some modifications of details were all that could be obtained, and the time that had been consumed in vain endeavours to soften the terms had brought the negotiators dangerously near the hour when the armistice terminated. On the 26th, no alternative remained but to sign the preliminaries, which included an extension of the armistice till the 12th of March, that the National Assembly might have time to confirm the work of their diplomatic representatives.» (Rich, II, p. 560).

The fortress: = The fortified city of Paris within which the Commune had its seat in 1871: « The author of the " Guerre des Communeux de Paris " observes that it is only by referring back to a very early historical period that we can find a parallel for the situation of Paris at this moment. About the year 250 of our era, three totally distinct powers, three armies, contended at Syracuse. Icetas of Leontium occupied the city proper, Dionysius held the citadel, and the Carthaginian fleet was anchored in the port. So at Paris, in the springtime of 1871, the Prussians held the eastern and northern forts, the legal Government was under the guns of Valerien, and the insurgents, besides being masters of the enceinte, occupied the forts on the south. The latter, " always audacious," says the same author, meditated an enterprise, the object of which it was easy to penetrate. It was known at Versailles that, firmly resolved to take the offensive, the Central Committee had made important preparations. It had disarmed the National Guards, who were suspected of attachment to the cause of order, reorganized the Francs-tireurs, organized twenty-five war battalions, twenty batteries of breech-loaders (7-pounders), and fifteen batteries of mitrailleuses. It had requisitioned horses, pillaged the magazines of war material, seized the manufactories, and made vast quantities of gunpowder, petroleum, gun-cotton, and nitro-glycerine. On the 30th of March the armaments of the Commune were completed, and its operations commenced. It was able to send into the field 70,000 National Guards, with eight days' provisions. On the 31st the movements of these troops commenced and during the 1st of April they were observed to be concentrating at various places on the north-west and the south of Paris. After having satisfied himself that nothing serious was to be apprehended from a demonstration made by the insurgents towards Châtillon, General Vinoy resolved to direct all his efforts upon the presqu’ile of Gennevilliers. The presence of a great number of bands had been signalled in that direction, who, after having taken and barricaded the bridge of Neuilly, deployed in Courbevoie and Puteaux, and even pushed their reconnaissance as far as Nanterre and Reuil.» (Rich, II, p.608-609).

« Vésinier says: " The forts were armed with pieces of artillery, and furnished with everything requisite for service in the way of personnel and ammunition. From the Barrière Fontainebleau to Bas-Meudon the different gates were each protected by four cannons levelled against the exterior of Paris. The outposts of the Commune extended from Vincennes to Mont Valérien. There was a corresponding cordon of the enemy on the other side of the Seine. Through the again budding woods, on the slopes at the entrance of the park, the eye encountered nothing but municipal guards and sergeants de ville. The marines and foot soldiers remained at Versailles; the cavalry were stationed both at Versailles and St. Germain. The Chasseurs d’Afrique and the Zouaves were likewise close to the Assembly, as also the Mobiles and volunteers, all but too well prepared to show no mercy to Paris." Vésinier himself states that " sorties and re-onnaissances went on day and night, and several battalions, organized as marching companies, were continually directed against divers points " — namely, against the army of Versailles. This being admitted, it is a little illogical that he should accuse the forces of the Assembly of being the first to attack. In the face of the sorties and reconnaissances of the Commune, the Government of Versailles, now ready to take the field, could not, with any show of reason, remain any longer inactive.» (Rich, II, p.609).

Out of the fortress, Shall not come he who is in despair: « While France and Prussia were negotiating the end of the Franco-Prussian war in 1871, angry Parisians had risen up over the surrender and established the radical Paris Commune. A council of citizens – including republicans, Jacobins, socialists, and anarchists – governed Paris for over two months [18 March to 28 May]. The retaliation of the National Assembly, which had relocated to Versailles, was swift. Troops were sent to Paris and 20,000 people were killed.» (DKHistory, p.314) = Inside shall be such a revolt, That the sufferers shall be in despair (§695, VI-34).

When those [Republicans and oppositionists] of Arbois, of Langres against Bresse [those for the Government], Shall take the mounts Dole, traps of enemies: These verses mark the preliminary political situation of France in 1869-1870 somehow leading to the insurrection of the Commune in 1871 against the Government: « The elections of 1869 and the relations toward the government concerning the campaign of the plebiscite allow to distinguish the political opinion of the different paties of France at the end of the Empire…  It is the region of the East that constitutes the solid force of the opposition. In the North, on the plateau of the Saône, in the countries, the Republican party has not been reorganized; but there remain in the cities, Gray, Vesoul, Luxeuil, Langres, Republicans who, united with the still influential Orleanists, have made elect two liberal oppositionists in Haute-Saône, one Republican of the open left in Langres. The mountain of Franche-Comté [the mounts], very Catholic [traps of enemies], in dispute between Montalembert and the government, has elected in 1869 an oppositionist Catholic. The Republican party, strongly constituted by the Protestant manufacturers of Montbéliart, the clockworkers of Besançon, the vine-growers and the proprietor-farmers of Jura (Ornans, Dole, Arbois) has made pass one deputy (among 2) in Doubs, two (among 3) in Jura [traps of enemies] and given a majority of No in Besançon. It is the old party of ’48, anticlerical and democratic after the Swiss fashion, represented by Grévy. The workers of the forest, in Saint-Claude and Morez, form the isolated Republican groups... La Bresse obeys to the government except the Republicans of Louhans, Bourg, Belley; the opposition is strong in the mountains, in Oyonnax, center of workers, in Nantua, where the influence of Baudin has passed to his brothers.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.97-102).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§699

19th century:

§699 The Parliamentary Republic confirmed after the Commune of Paris (1871-1873): VIII-97.


VIII-97:

At the ends of the VAR shall change the all-gibbet,

Near the bank the three good children shall be born.

Ruin to the people at their competent age,

They shall see the regime of the country change and grow more.

 

(Aux fins du VAR changer le pempotans,

Pres du rivage les trois beaux enfans naistre.

Ruyne au peuple par aage competans

Regne au pays changer plus voir croistre.)

 

NOTES:  The theme of this mysterious quatrain has been detected  by a French competent investigator Elisée du Vignois (1910, p.329) as the defeat of the Commune of Paris in 1871 without sufficient analyses of the details of the verses.

The all-gibbet: = « le pempotans », pempotans seeming to be composed of the French “pam” (all)  and “potence” (gibbet) like pamphile (gr. Pamphilos ami de tous [friend of all] / pan tout [all] + philos ami [friend]) (Ibuki). And the all-gibbet means “a large part of members of the Commune of Paris to the scaffold in 1871”, “all” being by exaggeration.

In fact, “ History has rarely known a more unpatriotic crime than that of the insurrection of the commune; but the punishment inflicted on the insurgents by the Versailles troops was so ruthless that it seemed to be a counter-manifestation of French hatred for Frenchmen in civil disturbance rather than a judicial penalty applied to a heinous offence. The number of Parisians killed by French soldiers in the last week of May, 1871, was probably twenty thousand, though the partisans of the commune declared that thirty-six thousand men and women were shot in the streets or after summary court-martial.” (HH, XIII, p.185-186).

Now, another like word “pempotam” (§860, X-100) means quite another thing, just as the word “Parpignam” (§354, VIII-22) differs from that of “Parpignan” (§353, VIII-24).

The ends of the VAR: If we suppose that the plural form of ends, contrary to river-heads, refers to the plural river-mouths, VAR may indicate the plural rivers with the initials of V, A and R inclusive of the Var itself and two other rivers approximating to it: namely, the Aude and the Rhone.

At the ends of the VAR shall change the all-gibbet: The construction will be: The all-gibbet shall change the ends of the VAR, for Nostradamus sometimes leaves out the direct object [the ends] of a transitive verb [change] that is simultaneously present in the prepositional phrase [at the ends] or the grammatical subject as agent which is represented in a prepositional phrase with the construction of “by someone or something”. This verse means that the Commune of Paris in the beginning had a strong influence upon the people of the chief cities of Mediterranean districts of France such as Marseille, Narbonne and Toulouse (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.304-305; HH, XIII, p.184). 

Near the bank the three good children shall be born. Ruin to the people at their competent age, They shall see the regime of the country change and grow more: These verses seem to mean that the three personalities of no humble birth (good children) will encounter the collapse of the Paris Commune (ruin to the people), when they attained their age of maturity, and they shall see after that the Third Republic of France appear on the stage and steadily grow more and more (cf. §703, X-32; §704, VIII-65; §706, III-90; §707, V-36; §712, VI-54).

Whom one can imagine with some belief as these personalities ?

Vignois picked out the three seductive brothers Henri born in Sisteron or Forcalquier (id.), but he has no historical proofs for that.

We could prefer the following inference: at first, the summary history of the Paris Commune can disclose distinctly those names; secondly, they were in some manner engaged in the movement; thirdly, they survived the tragedy and then experienced the development of the Republic of France; at last, of course, they were born in the conditions above described: 1° birth near the bank of any river, the bank in the quatrain having no specification; 2° of no humble birth; 3° maturity in 1871.

The three candidates we can recommend are the following:

1° Henri Rochefort (1831-1913), born in Paris near the Seine, of a family of marquis, aged 40 in 1871 (Dauphiné, 2004, p.7-8).

2° Hyppolyte-Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray (1838-1901), born in Toulouse near the Garonne, of a steady family of pharmacy, aged 33 in 1871 (Bidouze, 1991, p.14).

3° Paschal Grousset (1844-1909), born in Corte near the Tavignano in Corsica, of a family of professor in mathematics, aged 27 in 1871 (Noël, 2010, p. 16).

Their career in brief is as follows:

1° Henri Rochefort (1831-1913):

« It appears that Communal Right is something more than the rights of municipalities and vestrymen as we recognize them in England. The political reform it demands is two-fold: first it decentralizes and sets every community or township free, and then it begins the work of centralization by "grouping" at their "proper point of convergence" whatever belongs to "the reconciliation of interests." It aims to do once more, in fact, and according to theoretical rule what the municipalities did on the break-up of the old Roman empire in obedience to the natural law of political gravitation or necessity. It was the Commune as here indicated in the sense of a complete reconstruction of the political and social fabric that installed itself at the Hôtel de Ville on the 31st of October [1870], in the persons of Blanqui and his immediate confederates. But it is not credible that the insurgents en masse had formed any opinion on the subject. Only it must be made quite clear that they really did deserve to inaugurate this stupendous change in the fabric of society; and to put this to the test there was but the one way of appeal to the popular vote. The following proclamation was therefore issued as a counter-blow to the decree placarded by the Communists, and contained in the note handed to General Trochu, which the insurgents had hoped to force upon him at the point of the bayonet: —

“ The Government of the National Defence, considering that it is important for the dignity of the Government and for the free fulfilment of its mission of defence that it should know whether it retains the confidence of the Parisian population.

Considering also, that from a deliberation of the Mayors of the 20 municipal arrondissements of the city of Paris, lawfully summoned at the Hôtel de Ville on the morning of the 31st of October, it results that it is opportune to constitute regularly by election the municipality of the 20 arrondissements:

Decrees, —

The vote shall be opened on Thursday, the 3rd of November, on the following question: —

Does the population of Paris maintain ("Yes" or "No") the powers of the Government of the National Defence ?

All electors of Paris, and of the Communes who have taken refuge in Paris, who can show they possess their electoral rights, shall participate in the vote.

On Saturday, the 5th of November, the election of a Mayor and three Deputy-Mayors for each of the municipal arrondissements of the city of Paris shall be proceeded with.

The electors registered on the electoral lists at Paris shall alone participate in this vote.

The vote shall take place by voting a list for each arrondissement, and an absolute majority of the suffrages shall be required. In case of a second balloting being required, the vote shall take place on Monday, the 7th of November.

Done at the Hôtel de Ville, the 1st of November, 1870.

(Signed)

GENEEAL TROCHU,  GARNIER PAGÈS.

JULES FAVRE.  E. PELLETAN.

EMMANUEL ARAGO.  E. PICARD.

JULES FERRY. JULES SIMON. ”

The result on the 3rd was a complete triumph for the Government of Defence, 557,996 votes being recorded for them, and only 62,638 against their continuance in office. On the 5th, also the greater number of the elections in the municipal arrondissements of Paris were favourable to the Government, although a few Communists were also voted in. General Trochu, therefore, issued a proclamation on the 4th, in which he said to the people of Paris: " You order us to remain at the post of danger assigned to us by the Revolution of the 4th of September. We will remain with the strength derived from your support and with the consciousness of the great duties imposed upon us by your confidence, the first of which is that of defence, which will continue to occupy us exclusively. We will prevent criminal movements by the severe execution of the laws." M. Jules Favre said in his proclamation: " We have all one heart and one thought — the deliverance of our country. This deliverance is only possible by obedience to the military chiefs, and respect for the laws." The same sentiments were repeated in the evening of that day, when General Trochu received a deputation of the National Guard. M. Jules Favre also took the opportunity to re-affirm the resolution of the Government. "Not to yield one inch of territory" — alas, he could no longer add "Nor one stone of our fortresses" — that would have been too daring in the face of accomplished facts. Rochefort of the Lanterne and the Marseillaise now resigned his office in the Government of Defence. His position seems to have become utterly untenable. By his adherence to the Republican party since the early days of September, when M. Jules Favre employed him in the congenial task of constructing barricades, and adroitly crowned him with an extinguisher, he had forfeited the confidence of the "reds." When his name was proclaimed as a memher of the Communal Government in the Council Chamber of the Hôtel de Ville on the 31st, it was objected to, and excited violent protest. By his nomination in the Commune he had at the same time forfeited the confidence of his colleagues in the Government, and when the question of the Municipal Elections arose on the 5th, he took the opportunity afforded by some difference of opinion to resign his functions.» (Rich, II, p.157-159).

« The Versailles troops continued their advance with the greatest circumspection, and on the evening of the 22nd were in occupation of the Place de l'Arc de Triomphe, Place de l'Etoile, and Place d'Eylau, and also of the Elysée and Palais de l’Industrie. M. Vésinier pathetically laments that " All the formidable defences erected with so much art and at the cost of such enormous labour, from Point du Jour to the Champs-Elysées and the St. Lazaire railway station on the left, to the Rue de Vaugirard on the right, which would have secured the inviolability of the enceinte of Paris, east and south, for months, if they had been properly armed and defended, fell with scarcely a struggle in the short space of twenty-four hours. The enemy was permitted to take all those parts of Paris between bastions 44 and 72, which gave free passage to a torrent of invaders who precipitated themselves in the interior, and took a third of Paris in a day."

The same afternoon which saw the army of order enter within the enceinte of Paris, saw the entry of our old friend, M. Rochefort, into Versailles as a prisoner. He had been prudent enough to leave Paris, but was captured at Clermont, and brought in by the St. Germain road, seated in a family omnibus drawn by two horses. First came a squadron of gendarmes; then the omnibus, surrounded by Chasseurs d'Afrique, and lastly a squadron of the same corps. In the vehicle with Rochefort were his secretary, Mouriot, and four police agents dressed in plain clothes. Outside the omnibus were an officer of the gendarmerie in uniform and two or three sergents-de-ville not in uniform. Rochefort's moustache had disappeared. He had himself shaved closely before setting out from Paris, in order to disguise himself, but there was no mistaking him. It was half-past one o'clock in the afternoon when the cortége, arriving at the end of the Boulevard du Roi, entered the Rue des Reservoirs. Every one ran into the street, and shouts of execration were raised on all sides. This, we are told, was no mere demonstration of a mob. The citizens of all classes joined in it. One man ventured to cry, " Vive Bochefort ! " He was kicked by several persons who happened to be near him, and was saved from further violence only by arrest at the hands of the sergents-de-ville. Along the Rue des Reservoirs, the Rue de la Pompe, the Place Hoche, the Rue de Hoche, and the Avenue St. Cloud the once triumphant editor of the Lanterne was greeted with incessant shouts of "A has l’assassin; à pied le brigand; à mort ! " The people wanted to have him out of the omnibus, and it was with difficulty the cavalry prevented them from dragging him out and inflicting summary execution. The cavalcade was obliged to go at a slow pace, but finally the arch-agitator who had played so distinguished a part in the humiliation of the Empire, was safely lodged in gaol.» (Rich, II, p.624-625).

« Everywhere the barricades were in process of being demolished. Often, at certain points, the passers by were required to assist by removing a stone. On advancing into the interior of Paris, people inquired of each other, what had become of the soldiers of the regular army who had entered the capital. Here and there only an encampment was visible, as in the park of Monceau and at the Trocadero; a few depots of artillery, as in the Place of the New Opera; and a few isolated posts, as on the Place de la Bourse, where sixty-four mitrailleuses of various kinds were under guard. Nearly every house, still closed, displayed the Tricolour. Accustomed to see the National flag on days of rejoicing, it had a strange effect when every face wore a look of grief. Numerous restless groups were formed, who looked at the sky with terror, as fearing to discover the crimson reflection of a new conflagration. Almost every wall showed some trace of the recent struggle; the holes made by bullets, the wreck made by projectiles, the marks of burning. Arrests continue, the consequence of denunciations deposited every instant against the Communists; and as it was under the Commune, when the "Versaillists" and the "suspect" were denounced, it is generally by women that this information is given. So every few minutes detachments of three or four National Guards pass along on their way to capture a Comunist. There is no pity for an incendiary, whether man or woman. Every one detected with a bottle of petroleum is instantly shot, Those intended to be kept for trial are directed on certain points of Paris — the Théâtre, du Châtelet, for example — and are thence despatched to Versailles. The dead have been buried everywhere; on the banks of the Seine, in the public places, and even under the foot pavements, with only a little earth for their winding-sheet. At night the aspect of the city is almost unearthly ! All the houses are closed: the gas in certain quarters is out, but here and there on the tables of the cafés may be seen the glimmer of a candle. There are few passengers; and after nine o'clock the only sound is the cadenced footfall of the functionaries who guard every corner of the streets. Perhaps a solitary pedestrian is heard approaching, and then the challenge rings out in the silence, " Qui vive ? Passez au large ? " No one is allowed to walk near the houses, but must take the middle of the chaussée. But in many places the inhabitants, still restless and fearsome, mistrusting the precautions taken by the municipality remain seated on their doorsteps till a late hour of the night. At nine o'clock the Boulevard is a desert. The celebrities of the insurrection are shut up in the prison of the Rue St. Pierre. The principal are Rochefort and Assi, Johannard, Mourot and Ranvier, Blanqui and Clément, Ferré (the man of La Roquette who ordered the poor priests "to the shambles"), Duchêne, Demay, Okolowiez (the Pole), Durassier (the so-called "Admiral of the Seine"), Maljournal, Rastoul, Eudes (First War Delegate of the Commune), La Cécilia, Lescure, Vermesch (editor of a vile print called Le Père Duchesne), and Paschal Grousset. Others, including Rossel, will be brought in as they are captured. Some of less note are in the house of correction in the Avenue de Paris. The rank and file of the insurgents are collected in vaults or elsewhere, and will by-and-by be sent in thousands to the now celebrated docks of Satory, — vast sheds constructed on the plateau of that name to serve as storehouses for the artillery and engineers.» (Rich, II, p.632-633);

« In holding off the insurrection of 1871, he [Rochefort] is yet condemned of the deportation into the fortified enclosure. He embarks on August 24th in 1873 the Virginia, which carries also Louise Michel to the destination of New Caledonia, whence he slips away with Grousset and four other condemneds. After the amnesty, he publishes a new title, the Intransigeant. Being implicated in the Boulangist movement, he is again condemned of the deportation, in absentia. He is amnestied in 1895. Several times the career of Rochefort crosses that of Grousset, in a free scope or in a prison ! Though the latter should have admired the brilliant panphleteer when he made his debut in the oppositionist journalism, their relations are often strained, even execrable; an informer of police did not deceive himself when he wrote: “ Grousset is too Communard for Rochefort and Rochefort is not sufficiently so for Grousset.”» (Noël, id., p.[393]).

 

2° Hyppolyte-Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray (1838-1901):

« On July 14th, 1880. A man descends the train arriving from Le Havre. He has passed nine years of his life in exile in London. Combatting at the last barricade of the Paris Commune, he hid himself, then he reached England where he met again other persons, pursued like him after having escaped from the bloody Week. Now he is in Paris, nearly three days after the amnesty which took back to France the deportees of New Caledonia, the exiles of England, of Switzerland and of Belgium. He wrote political pamphlets, articles of the journals, and above all a History of the Commune of 1871 which was edited in Bruxelles [in 1876] and circulated sub rosa in France.» (Bidouze, id., p.7-8);

« This lettered man was, in his youth, the principal animator of the literary lectures of the Street of la Paix, before entering the political life as journalist in Gascogne, one of the most popular orators in the public meetings of the capital, between the two condemnations for his “outrages upon the Emperor” and a stay in the famous prison Sainte-Pélagie, before fleeing to a foreign country to escape new pursuits, coming home to exercise the functions of war commissary in the army of the Republic raised by Gambetta after the disaster of Sedan and the fall of the Second Empire, combatting for the Commune as journalist and national guard, driving on his return from exile the sharp-edged quill of militant journalist, running candidate at elections.» (Bidouze, id., p.9);

« “A simple in the ranks”, “not a member, nor officer, nor functionary of the Commune”, as he himself says so, revolutionary socialist refusing to be commited to any of the rival organizations, striving for his independence, criticizer of General Boulanger when others flirt with him or neglect the risks, Lissagaray is recognized as a freelance, an unclassifiable personality, “ a musketeer of social affaires,” whose intractable character has probably prevented him from showing all his potentialities.» (Bidouze, id., p.9-10);

 

3° Paschal Grousset (1844-1909):

« On Sunday, the 26th of March, the elections took place, in defiance of the Government and the Assembly, and the dreaded COMMUNE was inaugurated. More than 250,000 votes were recorded; and out of the twenty arrondissements into which Paris is divided, the Revolutionary candidates triumphed in sixteen. The greater number of the members elected were obscure prolétaires; but there were also a few of the bourgeois class, and of course all the journalists and lawyers who had become notorious in support of the cause. Among the number were Assi, the chief agitator in the strikes of Creusot, and generally known as one of the most dangerous apostles of the " INTERNATIONALE;" conspicuous among them also was Paschal Grousset, who had formerly edited the Marseillaise, and had been condemned for conspiring against the Emperor; …» (Rich, II, p.598);

« After the arrest of the hostages, the first important transaction in the committee of the Commune was the decree which ordered the destruction of the imperial column in the Place Vendôme as "a monument of barbarity, a symbol of brutal force and false glory, an affirmation of Chauvinism, a negation of international rights, a permanent insult of the victor towards the vanquished, and a perpetual outrage against one of the three great principles of the French Republic, fraternity." At the same sitting (April 12th) it was resolved, that a Council of War should be instituted for every legion of the National Guard. All attempts at conciliation now ceased, and even meetings for that purpose were forbidden. Paris and Versailles held no relations with each other, and the manifestoes of the Commune had no chance of reaching the provinces. The great towns which had followed the example of Paris — Lyons, Marseilles, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Avignon, Limoges, Grenoble, and Creuzot — and had tried to gain their autonomy by proclaiming the Commune had been reduced to order. Paris was isolated, and the circle of iron and fire was every day drawing closer around her. The Chief of the Executive, like his predecessors in 1848 and 1851, was determined to do his work thoroughly — " Il faut en finir ! " The constitution of the Commune had been modified by the resignation of certain of its original members, who refused to participate in its usurpation of governmental powers, and who shrank from the terrors of the new social order it was labouring to initiate. A further modification took place on the 20th of April, when it was decreed that the nine administrative Commissions should nominate delegates to constitute the 10th or Executive Commission. The Executive Commission was now constituted as follows: War, Cluseret; Finances, Jourde; Subsistence, Viard; Foreign Affairs, Paschal Grousset; Justice, Protot; Instruction, Vaillant; Public Safety, R. Rigault; Labour and Exchange, Frankel; Public Service, Andrieux.» (Rich, II, p.616);

« At nine o'clock the Boulevard is a desert. The celebrities of the insurrection are shut up in the prison of the Rue St. Pierre. The principal are Rochefort and Assi, Johannard, Mourot and Ranvier, Blanqui and Clément, …, and Paschal Grousset.» (Rich, II, p.632);

« Paschal Grousset was not yet 2 years old when his family left Corsica to settle in Grisolles, a small town in Tarn-et-Garonne situated between Montauban and Toulouse. After having started his schooling in a province, Paschal Grousset continued studying as scholar of the state in Paris, in the lycée Charlemagne. In this lycée, Paschal Grousset attended the class of rhetoric and prepared his baccalaureate of sciences which he obtained on September 30th,1861.» (Noël, id., p. 16-21).

« Having been arrested after the bloody week, he was deported in New Caledonia, whence he succeeded in escaping at the end of two years’ captivity, with five of his companions: a fantastic and resounding escape, immortalized by the two paintings of Edouard Manet. Began then his period of exile of six years, in London, of which he made his profit to enterprise a work of writer particularly original, supported by the great editor Pierre-Jules Hetzel. His literary production was composed of romances, pedagogic or adventurous, and scientific fictions, whose origin is to seek for in Jules Verne. Having been amnestied in 1880, Paschal Grousset came back to live in France, in continuing to journey to document his numerous literary and journalistic writings, in particular the chronicles he afforded to the Temps, to the Illustration, and to the Illustrated Figaro. He then enterprised a campaign in favor of the games in the open air, the natural gymnastics and the physical hygiene. As the prolongation of this campaign, he declared: “ The Olympic Games, the word is articulated: we ought to have our own games”… Today, in the pedagogic domain of physical education, Paschal Grousset is always saluted, taught and recognized. A teacher in STAPS (Sciences and techniques of activities, physical and sportive), Henri Le Targat, said that his name “should be inscribed in gold characters in the French manuals of physical education”.» (Noël, id., p.11-13).

 

Discussion:

Fontbrune (1982, p.205-206) attributes this quatrain to the theme of Bonaparte’s return home from Egypt in October, 1799, but his interpretation of the first line: “ it is at the confines of the Var that one shall see the omnipotence of England change” does not match his historical demonstration of Bonaparte’s having escaped the English fleet off the Côte d’Azur immediately before his arrival at Fréjus, because nothing was changed then with the English hegemony, which shall have a long life of more than three hundred years, e.g. from 1600 till 1945 as Fontbrune himself explains concerning the quatrain X-100 (Fontbrune, 1980, p.268-269).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§700

19th century:

§700 Alsace-Lorraine in the Peace of Frankfort (1871): X-51.


X-51:

The lower places of the country of Lorraine,

Shall be of the united Low German States,

By those of the siege in Picardy, Normandy, le Maine,

And they shall be made up into the frame of administrative division.

 

(Des lieux plus bas du pays de Lorraine

Seront des basses Allamaignes unis,

Par ceux du siege Picards, Normans du Maisne,

Et aux cantons ce seront reunis.)

 

NOTES: Allamaigne: from the Lat. « Alamanni, = Alemanni, one of the German peoples living by the upper Rhine; Alemannia, country of the Alemanni.» (TanakaH).

The lower places of the country of Lorraine, Shall be of the united Low German States: « The Low Lorraine and the places lower than Lorraine (Alsace) shall be united into the Southern Germany.» (Vignois, 1910, p.317).

Those of the siege in Picardy, Normandy, le Maine: = the Prussians occupying such French districts: « The army of General Chanzy, which we left in position on the Mayenne, with its centre at Laval [le Maine], now claims our attention. We have recorded how Chanzy stood at bay at every stage of his retreat from Orleans; and while he kept the enemy in his front, never for a moment forgot that his objective was Paris. The last stage of his retreat was indeed effected in accordance with orders from the Minister of War, and contrary to Chanzy's better judgment. Yet even in these circumstances he made the best of the situation, and took up a strong defensive position with a broad and deep river in his front, and with the alternative of a retreat northward to Carentan in the event of further defeat; or otherwise, an advance in a north-easterly direction over the line of the Eure above Dreux [Normandy]. While Prince Frederick Charles menaced Chanzy's front, two columns were sent in a northerly direction under the command of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, with orders to disperse the Francs-tireurs in the department of the Eure [Normandy], and prevent the Armies of the North and West from establishing communications. And everywhere as the Duke advanced the retreating French were driven right and left in a panic. On the 26th the two columns arrived at Rouen [Normandy], and effected a junction with the forces of Goeben, fresh from the action of St. Quentin [Picardy]. Chanzy in the meanwhile prepared for the opportunity that the chances of war might after all possibly afford him by organizing an independent force for the defence of Brittany and the Loire-Inférieure, and he was engaged in the reconstitution of the various corps, with this object in view, when intelligence of the armistice reached him in the afternoon of Jan. 29th. The capitulation of Paris had suddenly left this intended effort without an objective, and instead of a march on Paris from his strong position at Laval, it was the fate of Chanzy to fall back, and place a respectful distance between himself and his enemy in terms of the armistice. The positions to which he retired were in front of Poitiers, (where Chanzy now established his head-quarters,) south of the Loire, and west of its tributary, the Creuse. The military arrangements imposed on the Government were all to the advantage of the Germans in case the National Assembly about to be convened should declare for the continuance of the war. The history of the Second Army of the Loire is terminated when we add that it furnished twenty-one regiments of infantry, three battalions of chasseurs, nine regiments of cavalry, and fourteen batteries to the Army of Versailles, which crushed the Commune of Paris.» (Rich, II, p.535-537).

And they shall be made up into the frame of administrative division: The word « cantons », distinguished from that of  mere « places », may indicate their official annexation to Germany through the Frankfort Treaty of Peace between Germany and France in May, 1871.

« On the 26th [February 1871], no alternative remained but to sign the preliminaries, which included an extension of the armistice till the 12th of March, that the National Assembly might have time to confirm the work of their diplomatic representatives. The principal conditions were: —

1. The cession of Alsace, except Belfort, and of German Lorraine; that is to say, the arrondissements of Metz, Thionville, and Sarreguemines, in the department of the Moselle; of Chateau-Salins and Sarreburg, in the department of the Meurthe; and of the cantons of Schirmech and Saales, in the department of the Vosges…

3. The French territory occupied by the German troops was to be evacuated as follows: The departments or parts of departments situated on the left of the Seine [Normandy, le Maine] immediately after the ratification of the preliminaries by the Assembly; the rest of France at intervals as the instalments of the war indemnity were paid — that is to say, the departments of the Somme, the Oise, the Seine-Inférieure [Picardy, Normandy], Seine and Oise, Seine and Marne, Seine and the forts of Paris on the right bank, after the payment of the first half-milliard;..

4. The French army was to retire to the south of the Loire, and not to pass the line of demarcation before the signature of the definitive treaty of peace;...» (Rich, II, p. 560).

« These terms were incorporated into the definitive Treaty of Frankfurt, May 10th, 1871.» (Palmer, p. 104).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

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Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 219 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§949).

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