§701

19th century:

§701 Alsace-Lorraine ceded to Germany (1870-1874): X-50.


X-50:

The Meuse shall expose the earth of Luxembourg in broad daylight

Saturn and the three in the urn,

Mountains and plains, towns, cities and bourgs

Lorraine a deluge the treason by a grand urn.

 

(La Meuse au jour terre de Lucembourg

Descouvrira Saturne & trois enlurne,

Montaigne & pleine, ville, cite & bourg

Lorrain deluge trahison par grand hurne.)

 

NOTES: The Meuse shall expose the earth of Luxembourg in broad daylight: Toul, Verdun and Sedan on the Meuse were occupied by the German troops in 1870, the earth of Luxembourg signifying Alsace-Lorraine by metonymy (as a kind of sign signifying the other through their neighborhood) (cf. Penguin Atlas, II, p.70).

Mountains and plains, towns, cities and bourgs Lorraine a deluge: « A deluge of the Germans covered all in Lorraine: mountains, plains, towns, cities and bourgs.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1875, p.72-73).

A grand urn: A large ballot box (une grande urne électorale).

The treason by a grand urn: The anti-patriotic cession of Alsace-Lorraine to Germany ratified by the National Assembly of Bordeaux elected on February 8th, 1871 (HH, XIII, p.179).

Saturn and the three [planets] in the urn [= Aquarius]: This astronomical condition on the supposition of the seven traditional planets, namely, The Sun (☼), the Moon (), Mercury (), Venus (♀), Mars (♂), Jupiter () and Saturn (), has the following incidence (1°-31°) within the range of the Prophecies of Nostradamus: 1555-2000 (Paris, LST):

1° 1580 January 20, 19:05 – 1580 February 8, 1:00 ().

2° 1582 February 2, 9:32 – 1582 February 4, 10:30 (☽♃).

3° 1610 February 11, 8:36 – 1610 February 18, 12:16 ().

4° 1639 January 25, 21:21 – 1639 January 31, 21:24 ().

5° 1639 February 1, 19:44 – 1639 February 4, 7:54 ().

6° 1668 February 10, 16:38 – 1668 February 12, 18:36 (☽☿).

7° 1697 January 22, 19:22 – 1697 February 6, 1:00 ().

8° 1699 January 19, 16:28 – 1699 February 18, 7:42 ().

9° 1727 January 20, 23:01 – 1727 February 13, 21:01 (♀♂).

10° 1729 January 27, 17:21 – 1729 February 2, 12:42 ().

11° 1756 January 23, 0:39 – 1756 January 28, 8:13 ().

12° 1757 January 31, 10:35 – 1757 February 1, 11:15 ().

13° 1786 February 11, 20:00 – 1786 February 18, 10:19 ().

14° 1787 February 15, 20:30 – 1787 February 18, 3:43 (☽☿).

15° 1815 January 25, 0:23 – 1815 February 8, 22:27 ().

16° 1815 February 8, 22:27 – 1815 February 10, 6:19 (☽☿).

17° 1816 January 28, 16:29 – 1816 January 31, 4:28 (☽☿).

18° 1844 February 16, 4:32 – 1844 February 18, 11:01 (☽☿).

19° 1845 February 13, 5:29 – 1845 February 18, 17:45 ().

20° 1874 January 26, 18:58 – 1874 February 12, 3:23 ().

21° 1876 January 20, 15:50 – 1876 January 21, 14:07 ().

22° 1876 January 26, 2:06 – 1876 January 28, 12:05 (☽☿).

23° 1903 January 19, 21:00 – 1903 February 4, 0:47 (♄☿).

24° 1903 February 4, 0:47 – 1903 February 19, 19:39 (☿♃).

25° 1933 February 7, 10:30 – 1933 February 14, 5:10 ().

26° 1934 February 12, 9:06 – 1934 February 14, 9:36 ().

27° 1962 January 7, 15:10 – 1962 January 9, 13:02 (♄☽☿♃).

28° 1962 January 20, 12:56 – 1962 February 19, 3:13 (☿♃).

29° 1962 February 19, 3:13 – 1962 March 12, 7:55 (♄☿).

30° 1991 February 12, 16:25 – 1991 February 15, 2:08 (☽☿).

31° 1992 February 18, 16:40 – 1992 February 19, 9:41 (♀♂).

Of these, the case 20°, by its chronological mark of January – February 1874, is able to refer distinctively to the event of the cession of Alsace-Lorraine to Germany in 1871.

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§702

19th century:

§702 The deposition of Napoleon III and of his dynasty confirmed (1871.3.1): VI-3.

VI-3:

The river which distinguishes the Celtic newborn,

Shall be gravely in discord with the Empire:

A coronal shall deprive the young prince

Of the scepter by the ecclesiastic people in concordance.

 

(Fleuve qu'esprove le nouveau nay Celtique,

Sera en grande de l'Empire discorde:

Le jeune prince par gent ecclesiastique,

Ostera le sceptre coronal de concorde.)

 

NOTES: Qu’: = Qui, as often seen in Nostradamus.

Esprover: « Vérifier (to verify), distinguer (to distinguish), reconnaître (to recognize), approuver (to approve).» (Godefroy).

The Celtic newborn (le nouveau nay Celtique): = The French Republic newly proclaimed on the 4th of September, 1870, Celtique meaning in most cases French (15 among 18 usages of the words «Celte» «Celtique» are for «France, Français, français»).

The river which distinguishes the Celtic newborn: = The national Assembly elected on February 8th 1871 which is to affirm constitutionally the new Republic or to adopt another regime. This expression is metaphorically based upon a German legend that « With the Celts, as st. Gregory of Nazianzus [Cappadocia] says so, the newly born children were verified in being placed in the Rhine covered with a shield; if they stayed firm on the water, they were recognized as legitimate, and if they submerged, they were not to be recognized as such.» (Le Brun, Hist. des pratiques superstitieuses, cité Torné-Chavigny, 1879, p.95).

The river… shall be gravely in discord with the Empire: The national Assembly of Bordeaux (the river) confirmed the deposition of Napoleon III and of his dynasty on March 1st 1871 (Muel, 1895, p.351).

Coronal: = Lat. corōna (garland, wreath, crown) + suf. –al = (adj.) of a crown = (subst.) a person like a crowned man = Thiers, Chief of the executive power of France.

A coronal shall deprive the young prince of the scepter by the ecclesiastic people in concordance: On the 1st of March, 1871, Thiers (A coronal) as chief of the executive power of France shall solicit by means of arguing the foreign origin of the Franco-Prussian war the almost unanimous decision (in concordance) of the deposition of the dynasty of Napoleon III (deprive the young prince of the scepter) responsible to the recent disaster of France by the national Assembly, whose majority was the party of the Catholics (the ecclesiastic people) (cf. Muel, id., p.352; Grousset et Léonard, 1958, p.574).

The young prince: Napoléon-Eugène-Louis-Jean-Joseph Bonaparte. « During the session of 1856 the baptism of the prince imperial, who had been born (March 16th) during the congress of Paris, was celebrated with great pomp at Notre Dame [June 14th]. The godfather was Pius IX, represented by a Roman cardinal. This intimate bond with the pope was to involve the policy of the empire on grave occasions.» (HH, XIII, p.131). « The Empress Eugénie, then, settled with his son in Chislehurst (England). Napoleon III, having been granted liberty by Germany after the conclusion of peace, rejoined the Empress and his son in this city where he died on January 9th 1873. The prince imperial, having been in Zoulouland [South Africa] to serve England, died on June 1st 1879 in Ulundi, aged 23, shot with assagais by a band of Zoulous.» (Muel, id., p.331-332, note 1.)

As to the baptism of the prince imperial, cf. X-8 (§643).

As to the decease of the prince imperial, cf. IV-9 (§716) and V-97 (§717).

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§703

19th century:

§703 Louis Adolphe Thiers, Chief of the executive power of the French Republic (1871.2-1873.5): X-32.


X-32:

The great empire that each ought to be such

One person shall obtain it above the others,

But his reign and existence shall be for a while,

Two years in his vessels he shall be able to hold it.

 

(Le grand empire chacun an devoir estre

Un sur les autres le viendra obtenir,

Mais peu de temps sera son regne & estre,

Deux ans aux naves le porra soustenir.)

 

NOTES: An: = en (by homophony) = un grand empire (a great empire).

The great empire that each ought to be such: This expresses after the fashion of Nostradamus the principle of the sovereign people of such a great Republic as that of France (the great empire) whose any member (each) ought to be a possible Chief of State through certain legal process representing the State itself, the word “ ought ” (devoir) referring to the obligation by laws.

The convocation of the electors of the National Assembly of Bordeaux to come followed the electoral law of 1849 (Seignobos, 1921b, p.279), which was modeled on that of 1848 with a modification of the total number of the representatives reduced from 900 to 750 (Seignobos, 1921a, p.135).

The electoral law of 1848: « The time was now approaching when something definite required to be adopted by the provisional government in regard to the future constitution of the republic. With this view the government felt that it was necessary to convoke a national assembly; but before that could be done, the basis required to be fixed on which the election of its members should proceed. In these moments of republican fervour, there could be no doubt of the principle which required to be adopted. The convention of 1793 presented the model ready made to their hands. The precedent of that year accordingly was followed, with a trifling alteration, merely in form, which subsequent experience had proved to be necessary. The number of the assembly was fixed at nine hundred, including the representatives of Algeria and the other colonies, and it was declared that the members should be distributed in exact proportion to the population. The whole was to form one assembly, chosen by universal suffrage. Every person was to be admitted to vote who had attained the age of twenty-one, who had resided six months in a commune, and had not been judicially deprived of his suffrage. Any Frenchman of the age of twenty-five, not judicially deprived of his rights, was declared eligible as a representative (each ought to be such). The voting was to be secret, by signing lists; and no one could be elected unless he had at least two thousand votes.» (HH, XIII, p.94-95; cf. Seignobos, 1921a, p.28-30).

One person shall obtain it above the others: « Mr. Thiers, in talking to the Monarchists: “ Come to an agreement if you could in order to establish one of your monarchies,” and to the Republicans: “ You will have your republic if you are wise,” above the ones and above the others shall succeed in obtaining the power.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1876a, p.65).

« On the 8th of February [1871] elections were held throughout France, and on the 12th the national assembly was opened at Bordeaux. Thiers was chosen chief of the executive on the 17th, formed his ministry on the 19th, and on the 21st, accompanied by the ministers Favre and Picard, he went to Versailles, commissioned by the national assembly, to begin the peace negociations.» (HH, XIII, p.179).

Nave: = « s.f., navire (vessel).» (Godefroy).

But his reign shall be for a while, Two years in his vessels he shall be able to hold it: « But he shall hold it only for a little while. He shall be able to keep out two years in tacking about. He shall guard it in all for 27 months starting with the pact of Bordeaux [February 1871 – May 1873].» (Torné-Chavigny, id.).

Estre: = « Being, existence.» (Dubois).

But his existence shall be for a while: Indeed, Adolphe Thiers deceased on September 3rd, 1877, only four years after his resignation from the presidency.

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§704

19th century:

§704 Louis AdolpheThiers, President of the French Republic (1871.8-1873.5): VIII-65.


VIII-65:

The frustrate old man of the principal hope,

He shall arrive at the chief of his empire.

For twenty months he shall hold the reign with a great power,

Tyrant, cruel in abandoning a worse party.

 

(Le vieux frustré du principal espoir

Il parviendra au chef de son empire

Vingt mois tiendra le regne a grand pouvoir

Tiran, cruel en delaissant un pire.)

 

NOTES: The old man: = Adolphe Thiers (April 1797 - September 1877): « There are more than a reason that lead us to see in “ the frustrate old man of the principal hope ” the government we have now [October 1871]. Nostradamus might have been able to indicate it by the expression “ le vieux (the old) ”, because of the age of its highest representative, Mr. Thiers.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1871b, p.184). In fact, Mr. Thiers was aged more than seventy when he was appointed the Chief of the executive power of the French Republic by the National Assembly in Bordeaux on February 17th, 1871; « On the 8th of February [1871] elections were held throughout France, and on the 12th the national assembly was opened at Bordeaux. Thiers was chosen chief of the executive on the 17th, formed his ministry on the 19th, and on the 21st, accompanied by the ministers Favre and Picard, he went to Versailles, commissioned by the national assembly, to begin the peace negociations.» (HH, XIII, p.179).

The frustrate old man: Louis Adolphe Thiers was fundamentally frustrate in his own personality because of his inner contradiction between his old faith of a monarchist and his real conviction of political impossibility of a monarchy in the contemporary accelerative tide of republicanism, which destined him to a partisan of the Conservative Republic. (cf. Muel, 1895, p.364). So he was engaged in the government of the July Monarchy and formed the Opposition against the Secomd Empire, whose sudden fall made him appear on the stage as the Chief of the executive power of the French Republic (He shall arrive at the chief of his empire).

The old man of the principal hope: He was the deputy of nearly universal hope in the assembly of Bordeaux, where he was nominated Chief of the executive power of the French Republic almost unanimously (Muel, id., p.347 ).

For twenty months he shall hold the reign with a great power: « The reign with a great power » marks, apart from that of the executive Chief, the Presidency of the French Republic starting with the title of President of the French Republic with which Adolphe Thiers was invested on August 31st, 1871 (Muel, id., p.357-358). Therefore, his presidency was for 20 months and 25 days (August 31, 1871 – May 24, 1873). « The national assembly, divided into parties which were bitterly opposed to each other, developed a very meagre legislative activity. On one side stood the three monarchistic parties of the legitimists, the Orleanists, and the Bourbons, each of which had its pretender to the throne; on the other the republicans, who were divided into a moderate and an extreme Left. Between them stood a group of parliamentarians, who could be satisfied with either form of government, if only the constitutional system were preserved. It is true that the monarchists held the majority, but in the course of the next few years they lost considerable ground through the supplementary elections, and they were so disunited among themselves that in the most important questions frequently a fraction of the Right voted with the Left, and the majority thus became a minority. The " fusion," i.e. the union of the legitimists and Orleanists into one single party, did not succeed. Thiers preferred the actual republic to any one of the three possible monarchies, and for that very reason the monarchists were very much dissatisfied with him. When, at the re-formation of the ministry on May 18th, 1873, he wholly disregarded the monarchistic majority and recruited his cabinet entirely from the moderate Left, the monarchists moved a vote of censure upon Thiers. This was carried on May 24th, 1873, by a vote of 360 against 344. Thiers and his ministry resigned; whereupon, in the same sitting, MacMahon was elected president of the republic.» (HH, XIII, p.187-188).

Tyrant, cruel in abandoning a worse party: « Meanwhile the advanced republicans were organising their party; they expected to have to fight the monarchical assembly by force. The law against Paris, the law of échéance, caused great indignation. The name of Thiers recalled his struggle against the republic after 1848 and his services as minister under Louis Philippe. All this was too far distant to enable people to judge of the new rô1e he intended to play. The republicans of the ministry, Jules Favre, Picard, and Jules Simon, had, after the siege, lost all influence in Paris. A great many men who inspired confidence, left the assembly. Victor Hugo, whose speech had been shouted down by the populace, and Gambetta had resigned. A severe conflict seemed imminent. Though Thiers wished on the one hand to control the royalists of the assembly, he was determined on the other to deprive of weapons the republicans of the large towns [a worse party]. He made a pretext for doing this by demanding the restitution of the cannon which had been seized. Some of the radical deputies intervened to prevent civil war. They had twice almost succeeded in obtaining the restitution of the cannon, and were making further efforts to do so. Paris, too, seemed gradually calming down, when Thiers decided to employ force. On the 18th of March, at daybreak, the troops, under the orders of General Vinoy, ascended the slopes of Montmartre and took possession of the cannon. But things had been so badly managed that the people were aware of what was happening. The sight of those who had been wounded in the morning enraged the crowd; the troops were surrounded and dispersed: there was not even a struggle. The soldiers no longer obeyed their officers, but mingled with the populace. All Paris was in arms: instantly barricades were raised in every direction. Thiers had for a long time held that when a rebellion is serious it is best to abandon the revolting town [a worse party] and only re-enter it as a conqueror. He commanded a retreat to Versailles. During the night the Hôtel-de-Ville was evacuated by the government. The insurrection had been inaugurated with terrible bloodshed. General Leconte, who in the morning commanded part of the troops at Montmartre, had been detained by the crowd with some other prisoners, and the republican Clément Thomas, who had commanded the national guard in 1848 and during the siege, had been recognised and arrested on the boulevard. These prisoners had been dragged from place to place. At last they were brought to the rue des Rosiers where a committee from Montmartre was sitting. A crowd of infuriated people assailed the house, and in the midst of a scene of wild confusion the two generals, Leconte and Clément Thomas, were pushed against the walls of the garden and riddled with bullets. This slaughter made a bloody stain on the proceedings of the day…History has rarely known a more unpatriotic crime than that of the insurrection of the commune [a worse party]; but the punishment inflicted on the insurgents by the Versailles troops was so ruthless [Tyrant, cruel] that it seemed to be a counter-manifestation of French hatred for Frenchmen in civil disturbance rather than a judicial penalty applied to a heinous offence. The number of Parisians killed by French soldiers in the last week of May, 1871, was probably twenty thousand, though the partisans of the commune declared that thirty-six thousand men and women were shot in the streets or after summary court-martial. It is from this point that the history of the Third Republic commences...» (HH, XIII, p.181-182).

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§705

19th century:

§705 Amadeo I, King-Elect of Spain (1870.11-1873.2): VI-51.


VI-51:

The assembled people, to see a new spectacle,

Princes and several Kings present by deputy:

Pillars, walls shall fail but like a miracle,

The King saved and his thirty followers.

 

(Peuple assemblé, voir nouveau expectacle,

Princes & Roys par plusieurs assistans:

Pilliers faillir, murs mais comme miracle,

Le Roy sauvé & trente des instans.)

 

NOTES: Vignois (1910, p.311) succeeds in detecting the true theme of this stray quatrain: « Amadeo of Savoy, King of Spain. The crowd assembled in Barcelona to see their new King. A number of dignities of the kingdom, princes of science and those deputies who proclaimed themselves sovereigns in delegating their powers to Amadeo, accompanied him. The moment when His Majesty went up the first step of the stair leading to the pavilion of reception, the platform upon which the King just passed fell instantly, dragging away with it all that were on it; thirty persons fell in the debris, but this accident had no sinister results.»; but his materialistic view of the “fall of pillars and walls” is not pertinent because he gave no historical proof of it, nor there was any record of such an accident in the royal ceremony, which was not held in a pavilion, but in the monumentally built Palace of the Cortes ( “An official reception had been prepared for the new King. A state carriage was in waiting to convey him to the Cortes.” - Whitehouse, 1897, p.92-93) permitting no such eventual fall of a royal platform. The “fall of pillars and walls” is a metaphor for the assassination of General Prim, the promoter of the King-Elect Amadeus and at the same time his principal supporter and protector to come, the misfortune having befallen a moment before the Royal entrance to the capital.

Pillar: A metaphor for a supporter (cf. Dubois), as in the quatrains VII-43 and VIII-29.

Wall: A metaphor for a protector, as in the quatrains III-56, X-45.

Pillars, walls shall fail: « On the conclusion of the ceremonies and fetes at Florence attending his investiture of the high dignity conferred upon him, Amadeus returned to Turin to confer with the Duchess who, still suffering from the effects of her recent confinement (Count of Turin, born in Turin, November 24, 1870), had been unable to accompany her husband to the capital. It was now arranged, the King's immediate presence being necessary at Madrid, that Maria Victoria with her two sons should follow when she had sufficiently regained her strength, while Amadeus set out alone for the country of his adoption. After a hasty visit to Florence, where he remained but a few hours in order to receive his father's blessing and bid a final farewell to the other members of his family, Amadeus left on Christmas night for Spezia, there to embark on the Spanish frigate which was to convey him to Barcelona. The King-Elect was accompanied thus far on his journey by his brother Prince Humbert and Prince Eugene Carignano. General Cialdini, with the rank of special Ambassador to the King of Spain, was to escort his royal master as far as Madrid.

At noon on December 26th, on the arrival of the train at Spezia, the royal party at once proceeded to the harbor to embark on the " Numancia " which was lying at anchor in the bay. The weather was dull and dreary, and snow fell as the launch left the quay. Besides the local authorities and officials but few persons had ventured forth to witness the departure of the Prince. A feeble attempt at a cheer was made as the party left the landing-stage, but the proceedings were characterized throughout by moral as well as atmospheric depression, and even the Spanish officials showed but little enthusiasm in spite of the thunder of the guns, and brave display of bunting of the assembled war vessels. As Prince Humbert and the other visitors left the " Numancia " Amadeus uttered the prophetic words: " I go to fulfil an impossible mission. Spain, now divided into various parties, will unite against a foreign King, and I shall soon be obliged to return the crown they have offered me." To the reply that the well-known loyalty of the House of Savoy would disarm and conquer his enemies, he sadly murmured, " My loyalty will not be able to save me from the fury of the contending factions."

Doubtless the warning words of Mendez Vigo, uttered a few days previously, were in the Prince's mind. In a furious attack on the President of the Council, accusing him of manufacturing out of whole cloth the enthusiastic reports of the welcome which would be accorded the Duke of Aosta in Spain, Vigo, had exclaimed: " I am a loyal Spaniard, and I owe the truth to the King-Elect. I ask him before he enters Spanish territory to employ some means of ascertaining the true opinion of the Spanish people."

Meanwhile it must not be supposed that Queen Isabella calmly submitted without protest to what she naturally considered the usurpation of the rights of her son Don Alfonso, in whose favor she had abdicated a throne she in truth no longer possessed. From Geneva a vigorously worded manifesto was launched: " The revolution continues its career, and has just disavowed the rights of my son, — who is to-day your legitimate King according to all the Spanish Constitutions, — by calling to the throne of St. Ferdinand and of Charles V. a foreigner, whose merits, however great, cannot entitle him to be your Sovereign in the face of the rights of a whole dynasty, the only one which has in its favor that legitimacy, consecrated by the lapse of ages and by constitutions which it has been a signal folly to disavow." The ex-Queen then adds that she would not restore the throne to her son at the cost of Spanish blood, enough of which has been already shed, but that she enters this solemn protest, and is confident that when the revolutionary torrent has spent itself, the restoration may be brought about pacifically. Similar pronunciamentos from the pen of Don Carlos stimulated the energies of his partisans, who had proclaimed him King in the famous assembly held at Vevey, Switzeland, on April 18, 1870; on the conclusion of which the royal exile had actually constituted a ministry and distributed military commands in the Peninsula to which he dared not himself return.

Political passions ran high in Madrid, while in the provinces the situation was further complicated by the efforts of the Alphonsists, Carlists, Republicans, and, last but not least, the members of the "Internacional." The prospects for a peaceful accession of the new Ruler were doubtful at best, when an event occurred which shook the political fabric to its foundations, and deprived the Crown at a blow of its chief support [Pillars, walls shall fail]. With the assassination of General Prim the possibility of the foundation of a foreign dynasty in Spain vanished. By virtue of the combined prestige of Prim and Serrano it might have floated a while longer than it did, but with the disappearance of either it must inevitably have sunk below the overwhelming blood of national opposition. The session of the Cortes on December 27, had been marked by violent denunciation on the part of the opposition to the new regime. In vain had Prim argued, stormed and pleaded, surpassing himself in his effort to shield the sovereign whose advent he so impatiently awaited. Laboring under great excitement, which he made no attempt to conceal, the General, in company with two of his aides-de-camp, left the Cortes after dark to drive to the Ministry of War. As the carriage entered the narrow Calle del Turco it was stopped by a party of armed men and the General fired upon at close range. The assault was so sudden and unexpected that no attempt could be made to seize the aggressors, who promptly took to flight. Nine shots had taken effect; seven in the left shoulder and two in the right hand. Covered with blood the General sank in the arms of an aide-de-camp, while the carriage was driven at full gallop to his residence. In spite of the gravity of the wounds and the necessary amputation of his fingers, the doctors did not at first apprehend a fatal termination. For two days Madrid hovered between hope and despair; on the third fever ensued, and at half-past eight o'clock on the evening of December 30, but a few hours before the arrival of the King on whose brow he had labored so persistently to place the crown, Prim expired. The first news which greeted Amadeus when the " Numancia " cast anchor in the harbor of Carthagena, was that of the assassination of the man to whom he must naturally turn for guidance and advice on taking up the reins of government. Nor were the motives for the assassination obscure or far to seek. If Prim had found death at the hands of his political adversaries, yet countrymen withal, for the part he had played in attempting to bring peace to his distracted country, there could be but little doubt that the foreign Ruler, whose importation was so bitterly resented, would from the outset become the target of every discontented dagger within the realm. Yet Amadeus hesitated not a moment. Turning to those around him he sadly exclaimed: " Gentlemen, my duty is clear. Let us get on to Madrid." Passing the night at Aranjuez, where his reception by the populace was cold and forbidding, the King reached Madrid about noon on January 2, 1871.» (Whitehouse, 1897, p.86-92).  

The assembled people, to see a new spectacle, Princes and several Kings present by deputy:  « An official reception had been prepared for the new King [a new spectacle], and the approaches to the station, and streets through which he must pass, were thronged with vast crowds assembled, in spite of the bitter cold and snow, to witness the arrival of the sovereign [The assembled people, to see a new spectacle]. A state carriage was in waiting to convey him to the Cortes. Declining this the King signified his intention of entering the capital on horseback. As the brilliant escort of generals and aides-de-camp started it soon became evident to Amadeus that special precautions were being devised by the members of his suite [his thirty followers] to surround him in such manner as to prevent any possible contact with the public crowd for fear of insult, or worse. The King thereupon requested all accompanying him to fall back, and rode alone several paces in advance of his brilliant following. From the railway station the King proceeded direct to the church of Atocha where the remains of Prim lay in state. A large painting representing the scene hangs in the apartments of the Ducal Palace in Turin. The general lies in his unclosed coffin, in full uniform, his hands folded upon his breast. Four tall candles burn at the corners of the low platform on which the bier rests. Amadeus stands beside the corpse, his hands clasped upon his sword, his head bowed in grief. At a respectful distance hovers a brilliant group of generals [princes], diplomatists [several Kings present by deputy] and statesmen, while in the background a half-dozen priests recite the prayers for the dead. What a contrast from the grim presence of death to the scene in the Cortes, where the young King now goes to take the oath and receive the homage of his new subjects ! As he glanced round the serried ranks of members of both branches of the Cortes, Amadeus knew that even here amongst those assembled to give him official greeting were inexorable foes, morally responsible if not directly accountable for the political crime which had deprived him of his staunchest ally [Pillars, walls]. Not even the glittering uniforms of the representatives of army, navy and diplomacy, or the sumptuous toilettes of the Court Ladies, dazzling with jewels and gay with flowers, could efface the sombre memory of the silent form lying yonder in the church of the Atocha, and which should have been so conspicuous a figure near the throne. To the sensitive ears of the new King the enthusiastic and prolonged cries of welcome which greeted his entrance had a false ring, noticeable even under the emotion they caused. On the entrance of the King, the President arose and read the following message from the Regent [Marshal Serrano]: 

" Deputies: The revolution of 1868, initiated through the bravery of the army and navy, and prepared by national sentiment, has become personified in this Constituent Assembly which, comprehending the needs of the country, has given satisfaction to liberal aspirations while preserving peace and order, granting a fundamental code having as its basis democratic principles, guaranteed by a monarchy, the more lofty and worthy of respect emanating as it does from the popular sovereignty. The constitution having been voted, the Assembly desired to develop the system adopted by it, and while the election of the Prince who was to occupy the throne was being prepared, placed its confidence in me, rendering me the high honor of entrusting to me public affairs and the direction of the policy framed by the Chamber. I, from that moment desirous of accomplishing with loyal impartiality the duty you charged me with, have had, in common with the Chamber, the responsibility of the important interval which closes to-day. Nevertheless I do not regret traversing so many and such difficult trials since they have left us all the consciousness of the fulfilment of duties imposed upon us by our country. The day has at length arrived on which your labor is terminated, and on which I must resign the powers which, to enable me to assist you in accomplishing an end, you confided to me. With an easy conscience I abandon the high magistracy with which you invested me, hoping the verdict of my country will be benign, and considering myself rewarded with the opinion you have formed as to my conduct; which opinion remains impressed on my most sacred feelings. May God grant the fervent prayers I offer up to Him for the prosperity and future of my dear country. May our fellow-citizens gratefully cherish the memory of this Assembly whose labors result in the monarchy we inaugurate to-day, and towards which we all look for the happiness of this noble nation."

Grand words, and modest, coming as they did from one in whose hands had so long lain the destiny of a great nation, and from one who, looking only to what he considered the public good, had so strenuously rejected all temptation for personal aggrandizement. The constitution of 1869 having been read, His Majesty arose and took solemn oath to accept and defend the same, as well as the laws of the Kingdom. The President then turning to the chamber amidst enthusiastic applause proclaimed Amadeus I. King of Spain. The Constituent Cortes, its labors having ended with the election and proclamation of the Sovereign, was now declared dissolved, and the responsibilities and cares of government devolved upon the young Monarch.» (Whitehouse, 1897, p.92-97).  

Instan: From the Latin « insto, instare, être ou se trouver sur (to be or to be present).» (Vignois, id.); « īn-stō, to stand in or on; to be near or close.» (Smith-Lockwood) .

But like a miracle, The King saved and his thirty followers: « The first official act of the new Ruler consisted in the selection of a ministry, the formation of which was naturally enough entrusted to Marshal Serrano [one of the princes]. The Marshal himself Prime Minister and Minister of War, gathered round him a composite cabinet into which entered such various political ingredients of the liberal-monarchical factions as Ruiz-Zorrilla, Martos (Foreign Affair), Ulloa, Sagasta, Moret, Ayala and Beranger. This ministry entered upon its official being on January 4, 1871. On the 13th General Cialdini was received by the King with all the pomp and ceremony befitting his high mission, and delivered into His Majesty's hands the letter of Victor Emmanuel accrediting him as Ambassador Extraordinary to congratulate the new Sovereign on his accession [the King present by deputy]. The general expressed to His Majesty the sorrow of the Italian people at losing a prince [General Prim] so greatly and deservedly beloved, but gave utterance also to the widespread conviction that the Prince [Amadeo]'s origin could but strengthen the sympathies and interests of the two nations, already so closely related by ties of blood and racial affinities.» (Whitehouse, 1897, p.97-98).  

« The sequel of the revolution of September demonstrated that the Spanish people did not confound the monarchical principle with the causes which had produced the downfall of the late dynasty, and this fact was still further confirmed by the action of the Constituent Assembly and the object the Carlists, or rebels as they were called, had in view. The republican element was as yet a factor which, although it could not safely be overlooked, was, however, no serious menace to the established government; but the troublesome Carlist following, and the possibility of a fusion of one or several independent factions with this party, caused the ministry to anticipate the approaching elections with considerable apprehension. The result proclaimed a not insignificant ministerial majority in both houses of Parliament, and the political atmosphere seemed less dangerously charged with brewing storm than had been anticipated when, on the date fixed, Amadeus opened the session with a speech impregnated with wise and conciliatory utterances. Alas ! If the opening ceremonies were characterized by calm and apathy the brief lull was all too soon to be followed by violent controversy and bitter denunciation... From tenderest infancy he had witnessed the varying fortunes of the struggle for independence and unity in the land of his birth. He had assisted at the national or parliamentary checks, or advantages, which marked the progressive policy of his father and the great ministers who served him. Defeat and disappointment were no strangers to him; despair and humiliation had visited his House. But he had instilled into his very nature that reverence for the constitutional rights of the people which had in the end carried his father triumphantly to the leadership of a great nation. Political trickery, or any tampering with the spirit of the conditions under which he had assumed the great charge entrusted to him, was as far removed from his character as the committal of a dishonest action. Of doubtful political expediency there should be none. He would walk straight and upright to the goal, and when the path was blocked with obstacles over which he could not constitutionally pass, he would turn neither to the right nor to the left: would make no attempt to coerce the desires of those who had called him to preside over their destinies, but with honor unscathed abdicate the throne for whose mere lustre he cared so little.» (Whitehouse, 1897, p.100-105).  

« A favorite morning excursion was to the museums. On these occasions the King crossed the city to the Prado on foot, attended by a single aide-de-camp. The servants returning from their early marketing would relate to their mistresses how they had met the King, and almost brushed against him with their baskets full of vegetables and household provisions. The democratic simplicity of these excursions gave offence to many, who maintained that the monarch lowered the majesty of his office in dispensing with the time-honored ceremonial of his predecessors. The Carlists and Alfonsinists sneered at the vagaries of " King Maccaroni," as they contemptuously styled him, but all parties united in considering the proceeding hazardous in the extreme. Nor were they wrong, for in July an unsuccessful attempt was made on his life by an unknown individual who discharged a pistol at him as he walked through the streets. The King was uninjured, and the incident seemed to make little impression on him; it certainly did not cause him to alter his habits or to mingle less freely with his subjects. But the occurrence justified the anxiety felt by those who were charged with His Majesty's safety.» (Whitehouse, 1897, p.114-115).  

« For some time past Amadeus had received warning that a plot was rife for a fresh attempt upon his life, and it was rumored that the night of July eighteenth had been selected for the perpetration of some outrage. Nevertheless the King refused to alter in any degree his usual habits, and resolved to spend that evening in the society of his subjects. Whether the decision was born of his inherent contempt of danger, or from the conviction that it especially behooved him to show himself to his people at a time when such rumors were in circulation, who shall say ! It would appear, however, that on this occasion Amadeus did not place much faith in the warnings of a police he had ample reason to believe officious, or give credence to the existence of any serious danger, since he allowed the Queen to accompany him. Their Majesties spent the hot, close, evening listening to the concert in the public gardens of the Buen Ritiro, one of Madrid's most famous pleasure-grounds. At midnight, on the close of the concert, the homeward drive was begun along the route where, on account of the evil reports abroad, constables had been stationed at intervals sufficiently apart to avoid the suggestion that special precautions had been deemed necessary. As the royal carriage proceeded at a rapid pace up the via del Arenal, a broad, modern thoroughfare, a public vehicle, adopting the same tactics as those which had been employed in the assassination of General Prim, attempted to impede its progress by driving at right angles across the street, and fouling the Court equipage [The King and his thirty followers]. Fortunately, however, the King's coachman was able to knock the cab-driver from his box before the wheels of the two vehicles became locked. At the same moment six or seven shots were fired from the midst of a group of idlers standing on the corner. The King sprang to his feet at the first detonation, shouting: " Here is the King. Fire at him, not at the others ! " The aide-de-camp, seated in front of Their Majesties, courageously threw himself before the Queen, interposing his body between Her Majesty and the direction from whence the shots were fired. By a miracle [like a miracle] none of the occupants of the carriage were touched [The King saved and his thirty followers] although one of the horses was wounded and the carriage itself riddled with bullets. The postilion immediately whipped up his maddened beasts to full gallop, guiding them in the direction of the palace.

Meanwhile the police closed in on the band of would-be assassins who defended themselves with revolvers. Crowds rapidly assembled and, while impeding the operations of the police, facilitated the escape of many of those implicated in the plot. Two were arrested on the spot; a third killed while desperately attempting to cut his way through. During the night some twenty arrests were made, amongst the most notable of which was that of a certain Dudascal, the ex-chief of an unsavory political association. The indignation of the populace at the dastardly attempt was general and widespread. Angry crowds demanded that the prisoners be given into their hands in order that summary justice might be meted out to them. Frightened and excited officials flocked to the palace where they huddled together in the antechambers exchanging vivid and grossly exaggerated accounts of the occurrence. Señor Zorilla was amongst the first to arrive, and was at once ushered into the presence of the King. In spite of the trying ordeal just passed through, Amadeus appeared perfectly calm and collected as he quietly related the circumstances of the attack, and gave orders concerning the measures he desired carried out. His first thought was for his father, and the desire to spare him unnecessary anxiety should exaggerated accounts of the attempted assassination first reach him. Accordingly the following somewhat laconic telegram was immediately despatched to the Italian Court:

" I inform Your Majesty that this evening we were objects of an outrage. Thanks to God are absolutely unhurt. Amadeus.

" Madrid, July 18,

" 1: 24 A. M."

This message reached Victor Emmanuel while on one of his favorite hunting expeditions in the mountains above Valsavaranche, near Aosta. Rapidly descending to the nearest encampment to which the telegraph wires had been carried for his convenience, the King, in spite of his terrible anxiety, forwarded congratulations and words of encouragement to his son; at the same time urging him to loyally persevere in the task he had undertaken, and to show to the world that a prince of the House of Savoy, at any cost, and regardless of personal peril, would pursue the aim in view without swerving a hair's breadth from his constitutional obligations. The following morning Amadeus might have been seen walking without escort through the Madrid streets as if he were as free from worry or danger as the meanest of his subjects. The Queen, however, did not so readily recover from the recent shock, or close her eyes to the peril of their position. Her Majesty's life was one of continual dread for the safety of her husband and those most dear to her. Each time Amadeus left the palace she suffered torments of apprehension lest he should not enter it again alive. " Alas ! " the poor lady exclaimed to one of her intimate friends shortly after the July outrage, "all here have the right to complain except ourselves. We must bear all in silence." Her discouragement and mental anxiety added in no small degree to her consort's distaste for a task, the ultimate accomplishment of which became daily more doubtful.» (Whitehouse, 1897, p.150-155).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§706

19th century:

§706 The great Satyr and the Iranian Tiger (1873.5.24-11.20): III-90.


III-90:

The great Satyr and the Tiger of Hyrcania,

The gift offered to those of the Ocean:

The chief of the army shall come out of Carmania

Who shall reach the shore of the Tyrant of Marseilles.

(Le grand Satyre & Tigre de Hyrcanie,

Don presente à ceux de l'Ocean:

Le chef de classe istra de Carmanie

Qui prendra terre au Tyrren Phocean.)

NOTES: Vignois (1910, p.343), developing the theme of Torné-Chavigny (1870, p.20-21; 1876a, pp.64, 74-75), arrived at a general solution of the difficult quatrain: « When the descendant of the kings of France, who had been called the child of miracle and was invested with the title of the duke of Bordeaux, was expected as a liberator, the Marshal of Mac-Mahon, son of the Duchess of Caraman, was elected President of the Republic and attained the supreme magistracy of the State.».

Satyr: Its most original metaphorical meaning is as follows: « Σἀτυρος, Satyr, first in Hes. (γἐνος οὐτιδανῶν Σατύρων καἰ ἀμηχανοεργῶν [the race of worthless and helpless Satyrs] Fr.198.2).» (Liddell & Scott)

The great Satyr: = The Count of Chambord (= the Duke of Bordeaux) (Henri-Charles-Ferdinand-Marie-Dieudonné d'Artois, comte de, 1820-1883) who missed the final chance of the Restoration of his family by denying the Tricolor, which Mac-Mahon strongly recommended in keeping to his military career, in favor of his traditional white flag (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.372-375), this psychological genuineness of Chambord testifying to his political inability. So, he was called a Satyr within the grand sphere of national politics, the unique appellation whose usage being once for all in the Prophecies of Nostradamus. The severe opinion of the Prophet seems to agree with that of one of the most eminent French statesmen Adolphe Thiers who commented about Chambord as “ a gently but intrepidly obstinate child or simpleton (un enfant ou un sot doucement mais intrépidement obstiné) .” (Seignobos, 1921b, p.319)

Hyrcania: “ Hyrcania is a province of Persia as well as Carmania.” (Torné-Chavigny, 1870, p.21). « Ὑρκανία, Hyrcania, a district between Parthia, Media and the Caspian Sea.» (Pillon). « Καρμανία, Carmania, a province of Persia.» (Pillon).

The Tiger of Hyrcania: A metaphor through its fierceness and majesty in the lonely Persian mountains for a prominent French Field Marshal, Patrice Macmahon (1808-1893), whose mother the Duchess of Caraman recalling the name of Carmania to us (Torné-Chavigny, id.). « The Marshal is descended, by his mother, from the Dukes of Caraman… Carmanum, Carmaing [Caraman], a city of France (Haute-Garonne) is the cradle of the family of Caraman.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1862, p.116) [The chief of the army shall come out of Carmania]. Moreover, the word “ tiger ” (tigris in Latin and Greek) has an Iranian (= Persian) origin (cf. Petit Robert).

The Ocean: = The Gironde, the Ocean having the two meanings of the sea and of the grand river (Oceanus), which fit the Gironde.

Those of the Ocean: = Those of Bordeaux, the representative city on the Gironde = the National Assembly first convoked in Bordeaux in February 1871.

The gift offered to those of the Ocean: Henry V (the count of Chambord), chief of the House of the Bourbons surnamed Dieudonné (gift of God) to be called to the throne by the act of October 14th 1873 of the National Assembly solicited by its royalist majority facing toward the traditional monarchy incorporated in the personality of Henry V (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.370-371).

The gift: = Duke of Bordeaux ­= Count of Chambord = Henri Charles Ferdinand Dieudonné (Heaven-sent) de France: « THE CHILD OF THE MIRACLE. In the year 1816 Louis XVIII, King of France and Navarre, for the second time restored, after an exile of more than five-and-twenty years, to the throne of his ancestors, began to be somewhat disquieted in his mind as to the perpetuation of the Bourbon line. He himself was old, infirm, and childless; but his brother and designated successor, the Comte d'Artois, had two sons. The first was the Duc d'Angoulême, a sickly, silent, morose man, married to a princess, not indeed morose, but as silent and more sorrowful than her lord— Marie Thérèse de France, indeed, the daughter of Louis XVI., the “ Orphan of the Temple.” Her childhood had been passed in the stately Palace of Versailles; her girlhood in the horrible gaol of the Temple — released from which, she had wandered about for years in a restless, memory-haunted banishment; coming back to France in 1814, a bride, it is true, but an utterly crushed and disconsolate woman. Her father and mother had been torn from her arms to be dragged to the scaffold; her brother, the Dauphin, had been beaten and starved to death almost beneath her eyes; she had wanted food, raiment, light even, in her foul dungeon; and, when prosperity came, it was too late, for the heart of Marie Thérèse de France was dead within her. So the Duc and Duchess d'Angoulême were solemn couple, and, in 1816, were childless. The second son of the Comte d'Artois was Charles Ferdinand, Duc de Berri. Those who knew this youthful Prince were wont to say that his worth lay more in his heart than in his appearance; since he was stunted in stature, broad-shouldered, beetle-browed, shaggy-haired, with a nez camus, thick lips, and " something of a wild and ferocious expression." It would seem, however, that the Duc de Berri was very much belied, and that he was, in reality, not at all a bad sort of Prince. He was, those who knew, loved, and understood him, declared, “ constant in love, firm in friendship, eager for action, and ambitious for glory.” Thus, though two kinsmen, his father and his elder brother, stood between him and the throne, the Duc de Berri was not only the possible and probable, but the humanly certain Dauphin of a very few years to come... Lastly, there was the brooding, umbrageous Angoulême, who, it was certain, cared very little about becoming Dauphin, and less about being Louis XIX. Charles Ferdinand, Duc de Berri, was thus the hope of the Bourbon race. There was, to be sure, a branche cadette, a junior stem. There was a Duc d' Orleans, Louis Philippe by name, descended from a younger son of Louis XIII., married to a Sicilian Princess, and already beginning to abound in children; but the Orleans connection were barely tolerated at Court, and were secretly abhorred by the restored Bourbons. The King could not forget that the Duke's father, Egalité, had voted for the death of Louis XVI.; far less could the Duchess d'Angoulême forgive the man who was the son of one of her father's murderers. Old Louis Dixhuit, then, discreetly married him, in the year '16, to Marie Caroline Ferdinande Louise de Bourbon, daughter of the Prince Royal of the Two Sicilies. This Marie Caroline was a delightfully pretty, vivacious, petulant, spoilt girl, who had been brought up to tell her beads, to eat sweetmeats, to play with a doll, and absolutely to do nothing else. She brought some of her poupées with her to Paris; and was wont to divert herself therewith in the intervals of Court receptions; until there came to her another doll to dandle, of real flesh and blood, and with eyes that moved without any string-pulling. In negotiating this alliance the crafty old king is said to have had in view the consolidation of the House of Bourbon upon the three thrones it then occupied in Italy, in Spain, and in France. The union of Charles Ferdinand and Marie Caroline promised at first to be a very happy one. Two daughters were born to them, but by the year 1819 one of these infants had died. Still, the Duke and Duchess were very young; and the chances of the detested Orleans connection ever dropping into the line of succession seemed too preposterous to think about. You see that it is not given to mankind to peruse the proof-sheets of the decrees of Fate. How one would " operate" on the Stock Exchange, if such a perusal were possible, to be sure ! » (Sala, 1873, p.21-30).

« There happened to be in Paris in 1820 a man named Louvel. Louvel was a petty mechanic, and came from Versailles, where his father dealt in old clothes. Thirty-two years of age, a little weazened, wan, bilious man, with something the matter with his lungs — this Louvel, journeyman saddler or harness-maker, or something of that kind, I apprehend, had gotten some absurd nonsense into his head. It occurred to Louvel — as it has occurred to many before and after that rascal — that the times were out of joint, and that he was born to set them right. The natural sequence to this, in his muddled mind, was that the Bourbons were wholly and solely responsible for the disjointed condition of things; and that if he could only contrive to cut the throat of a Bourbon Prince — say of the Duc de Berri — peace and prosperity would thenceforth reign; liberty, equality, and fraternity would flourish. With a dagger in his pocket, he began to lurk at night about the doors of theatres which he thought the Duc de Berri would visit. He followed him even to the churches; but, throughout the many months during which this frightful quest continued, he failed to grasp his prey. At length, on the 13th February, 1820, it being then High Carnival in Paris, it was announced that the Duc and Duchess de Berri would honour with their presence the Académie Royal de Musique, which was then situated in the Rue de Richelieu, over against the Bibliothèque Royale. While they were enjoying the prospects of the evening's entertainment — nay, while they were in the act of dressing for the opera ball, Louvel, his knife in his bosom, was watching at the Palace of the Elysée, in the Rue du Faubourg St. Honoré, where the Royal couple dwelt. Thence, about seven, he skulked away to the Opera House. It was Sunday — le Dimanche Gras — the first of the three "fat" days, which crown and close the Carnival. At eight o'clock Louvel was at the Royal entrance to the theatre: when the clattering of horses' hoofs, and the glare of the torches borne by the dragons éclaireurs announced the coming of the Duke and Duchess... Mortally wounded, Charles Ferdinand d'Artois, Duc de Berri, lingered for some hours in one of the antechambers of the Opera House. He was sensible, however, to the last, and, as has often been the case with princes in his condition, earnestly besought that no harm might be done to his murderer. His surviving daughter, just a year old, was brought to him. He stretched out his trembling arms to her, murmuring, “ Poor child, may you be less unhappy than the rest of your family ! ” He little knew how many more misfortunes were in store for his fated race. His father, his brother Angoulême, his cousins of Orleans and of Bourbon-Conde, stood round his couch; and it was in the arms of his wife — no longer a petulant, vivacious, spoilt child, but a woman destined to be a Heroine — that he died. ''Caroline," he whispered, “ take care of yourself, for the sake of the child that you bear." This was the first revelation of the birth of an heir to his name. A little before the Duke’s death the poor old King arrived. Extreme unction had been administered by the Bishop of Chartres; and then the Curtain fell, and the most tragic of all the dramas that had ever been played within the walls of that garish theatre came to an end. Seven months and sixteen days after the murder of Charles Ferdinand, Duc de Berri, at the Opera House — which, shortly after his death, was demolished to its last stone, with a view to the erection of an expiatory chapel on its site; (the Place Louvois is yet bare, and the Third Restoration may yet build the chapel of expiation) — the widowed Marie Caroline gave birth, at the Palace of the Tuileries, to a man child. This was Henri Charles Ferdinand Dieudonné de France, born on the 29th of September, 1820. It is as well to be particular concerning the date of his birth, as it is one which, in combination with that of his father's death, those evilly disposed to the Elder Branche never failed malevolently to recite. The pious Legitimists, on their part, were more pleased to remember that the "Heaven-sent" Prince first saw the light on St. Michael's Day. That Archangel was famous for stamping out the lives of infernal dragons — Rafaelle and Correggio have shown us how; — and all good French Catholics saw, in 1820, in the birth of the young Prince on the feast of St. Michael, a special sign of protection from Heaven against the dreadful plots of the Revolutionists. Revolutionary conspiracies were annoyingly prevalent in 1820. There had been, also, some very ill-natured rumours current just before the little Prince's appearance. To confound the calumniators, it was determined, in the case of the Duchesse de Berri, that to her accouchement should be given “ an authentic publicity, in conformity with the ancient usages of the Monarchy;” and Marshal Suchet, “ with several officers of the guard of the Tuileries, were present at the birth, as irrefragable witnesses of the maternity of the Duchess.” Royalty, you see, has its responsibilities as well as its rights. At least we of the middle classes are entitled to be born without the surveillance of an officer of the Grenadier Guards and an Inspector of Police.» (Sala, 1873, p.30-43).

Tyrren: = Tyran (Tyrant = Chief of the State) by homophony.

Phocean: = Of Marseilles, 7 usages in all of the words Phocen,  Phocean,  Phossen in the Prophecies of Nostradamus designating Marseilles because of its having been a colony of the Phoenicians (cf. Torné-Chavigny, 1862, p.112).

The Tyrant of Marseilles: The Chief of the State of France, Marseilles representing France by synecdoche.

Who shall reach the shore of the Tyrant of Marseilles: « The national assembly, divided into parties which were bitterly opposed to each other, developed a very meagre legislative activity. On one side stood the three monarchistic parties of the legitimists, the Orleanists, and the Bourbons, each of which had its pretender to the throne; on the other the republicans, who were divided into a moderate and an extreme Left. Between them stood a group of parliamentarians, who could be satisfied with either form of government, if only the constitutional system were preserved. It is true that the monarchists held the majority, but in the course of the next few years they lost considerable ground through the supplementary elections, and they were so disunited among themselves that in the most important questions frequently a fraction of the Right voted with the Left, and the majority thus became a minority. The " fusion," i.e. the union of the legitimists and Orleanists into one single party, did not succeed. Thiers preferred the actual republic to any one of the three possible monarchies, and for that very reason the monarchists were very much dissatisfied with him. When, at the re-formation of the ministry on May 18th, 1873, he wholly disregarded the monarchistic majority and recruited his cabinet entirely from the moderate Left, the monarchists moved a vote of censure upon Thiers. This was carried on May 24th, 1873, by a vote of 360 against 344. Thiers and his ministry resigned; whereupon, in the same sitting, MacMahon was elected president of the republic. The duke de Broglie held the place of vice-president under him.» (HH, XIII, p.187-188).

« The majority elected to the presidency the Marshal of Mac-Mahon, and then tried to accomplish the fusion of the two branches of the royal family, in order to call the Count of Chambord to the throne. The chief of the younger branch, the Count of Paris, visited the residence of the Count of Chambord, and declared to this Prince that neither he himself nor his family shall be any obstacle to the restoration of the elder branch. This restoration therefore seemed done, and it seemed that France, tired and bewildered, might not come out of her silence. Nevertheless, when they learned that the Count of Chambord had refused to abandon the white flag, emblem of the ancient regime, all aborted and the project was abandoned. (M. Faustin-Ad. Hélie. – Constitutions de la France.)» (Muel, 1895, p.368).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§707

19th century:

§707 MacMahon, partisan of the Tricolor, checked the restoration of the monarchy in White (1873.10.29): V-36.

 

V-36:

The brother of his sister by his dissimulated repulsion,

Shall come to mix the rosy color of mineral:

Upon the cake given to the tardy old man,

A murder. The taster shall be simple and rural.

(De sœur le frere par simulte faintise,

Viendra mesler rosee en myneral:

Sur la placente donne à vieille tardifve,

Meurt. le goustant sera simple & rural.)

 

NOTES: The brother of his sister: = MacMahon, the President (the brother) of the French Republic, who nominated the Duke of Broglie as his Prime Minister (his sister): « When, at the re-formation of the ministry on May 18th, 1873, he [Thiers] wholly disregarded the monarchistic majority and recruited his cabinet entirely from the moderate Left, the monarchists moved a vote of censure upon Thiers. This was carried on May 24th, 1873, by a vote of 360 against 344. Thiers and his ministry resigned; whereupon, in the same sitting, MacMahon was elected president of the republic. The duke de Broglie held the place of vice-president under him(HH, XIII, p.188).

Simulte: = « Simulté, haine (hatred), inimitié (enmity).» (Godefroy).

Faintise: = The feminine of faintis = « feintis, adj., dissimulé (dissimulated), feint (assumed), trompeur (deceptive).» (Godefroy).

Rosee: = La couleur rosée (the rosy color).

Rosee en myneral: = The rosy color of mineral which hardly fades away, representing the perpetuity of the French Tricolor.

Placente: = Lat. placenta, « gâteau» (Chabrier); « cake » (Smith-Lockwood).

Donne à: = Donnée à.

Vieille: = Le vieux, « mon [petit] vieux; ma vieille [coll.] My dear [the feminine could be used also for a man].» (Suzuki).

Tardifve: = The feminine of « tardif, adj., Late (tree, hour); backward (fruits); Fig. Belated (measures, regrets); tardy (regrets)» (Dubois).

Vieille tardifve = The old man behind the times = the Count of Chambord missing the chance of Restoration in October 1873, aged 53: « The Count of Chambord had never lived but under the white flag, and he believed himself engaged in the matter of honor by his manifesto of 1871 to maintain it. Having been in exile for forty years away from France, he did not realize the force of the sentiment that attached the new generation to the Tricolor already national, which was staying for him the “ revolutionary ” emblem.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.368).

Meurt.: The apocope of Meurtre, Murder.

Le goustant: The taster = The Count of Chambord receiving the act of the National Assembly to call him to the throne in October 1873 [the cake].

The taster shall be simple and rural: The Count of Chambord was personally genuine (simple) but politically unrealistic and never sophisticated (rural): = the great Satyr (§706, III-90), Satyr’s most original metaphorical meaning being “ the race of worthless and helpless Satyrs .” (cf. Liddell & Scott). He, in favor of his traditional white flag, missed the final chance of the Restoration of his family by denying the Tricolor, which Mac-Mahon strongly recommended in keeping to his military career (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.372-375), this psychological genuineness of Chambord testifying to his political inability. So, he was called a Satyr within the grand sphere of national politics, the unique appellation whose usage being once for all in the Prophecies of Nostradamus. The severe opinion of the Prophet seems to agree with that of one of the most eminent French statesmen Adolphe Thiers who commented about Chambord as “ a gently but intrepidly obstinate child or simpleton (un enfant ou un sot doucement mais intrépidement obstiné) .” (Seignobos, 1921b, p.319)

The brother of his sister by his dissimulated repulsion shall come to mix the rosy color of mineral upon the cake given to the tardy old man: President MacMahon [the brother] supported by the Duke of Broglie [his sister] by his hidden hatred for Chambord obstinately attached to the White flag [the tardy old man] shall make enter the maintenance of the Tricolor [the rosy color of mineral] into the articles of the act of the National Assembly to call Chambord to the throne [the cake], which inevitably caused the refusal of the act by Chambord (October 1873): « The majority elected to the presidency the Marshal of Mac-Mahon, and then tried to accomplish the fusion of the two branches of the royal family, in order to call the Count of Chambord to the throne. The chief of the younger branch, the Count of Paris, visited the residence of the Count of Chambord, and declared to this Prince that neither he himself nor his family shall be any obstacle to the restoration of the elder branch. This restoration therefore seemed done, and it seemed that France, tired and bewildered, might not come out of her silence. Nevertheless, when they learned that the Count of Chambord had refused to abandon the white flag, emblem of the ancient regime, all aborted and the project was abandoned. (M. Faustin-Ad. Hélie. – Constitutions de la France.)» (Muel, 1895, p.368).

A murder. The taster shall be simple and rural: MacMahon and Broglie could rely upon the simple and obstinate character of Chambord often revealed in his manifestos and letters (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.320-321, p.341, p.347, p.367, p.369 and p.374) in order to bring about by design the abortion of the restoration of the Monarchy in White, which they could not prefer before any regime in Tricolor, by means of imposing the Tricolor upon him, which was a kind of murder, a suffocation of the political life of the Count of Chambord (cf. id., p.366-368 and p.369-370).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§708

19th century:

§708 MacMahon, partisan of the Tricolor, checked the restoration of the monarchy in White (2) (1873.10.29): VI-35.

 

VI-35:

Close to the Top, and near the white wool,

Aries, Taurus, Cancer, Leo Virgo:

Mars, Jupiter, the Sun shall burn the grand plain,

Woods and cities, letters sealed up with wax.

(Pres de Rion, & proche à blanche laine,

Aries, Taurus, Cancer, Leo la Vierge:

Mars, Jupiter, le Sol ardra grand plaine,

Boys & cités, lettres cachés au cierge.)

 

NOTES: Rion (Top): « In Greek, the summit of a mountain.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1870, p.217) « ῥἰον, any jutting part of a mountain, whether upwards or forwards; hence, peak; headland.» (Liddell & Scott) « Ƥἰον, Rhion, name of various promontories, in Achaea, in Etolia, etc(Bailly). This word is also an anagram of ROI, KING. Therefore, this is to mean the throne (Top) of France.

The white wool: = The white flag of the ancient regime of France. « The legitimacy of the white king…» (Torné-Chavigny, id., p.222)

Close to the Top, and near the white wool: Expressing the French political situation where the restoration of the monarchy in White is near at hand.

Aries, Taurus, Cancer, Leo Virgo: By the enumeration of these zodiacal signs, « Nostradamus gives the epoch of the events the quatrain contains. The peak of the Mountain of the reds (Rion) [the Revolutionaries] appeared, on the 18th of March when the Sun was going to enter Aries (March 20). We shall be “ near the white wool ” when the Sun shall leave Virgo (September 22).» (Torné-Chavigny, id.) The omission of Gemini between Taurus and Cancer seems to indicate that there are a gap of two years between a group of Atries and Taurus (1871: the Paris Commune and its defeat under Thiers’s administration) and that of Cancer, Leo and Virgo (1873: MacMahon in presidency), and also that the following Mars, Jupiter constitute a kind of Gemini.

Mars, Jupiter: = The Duke of Broglie and the Count of Chambord, the latter being the chief of the elder branch of the Bourbons and the former the representative of their younger branch; in fact, the image of Jupiter as the Top of the Heaven becomes Henry V, on the other hand that of Mars fits the vice-President Broglie as a distinguished political fighter. 

« Influence of the Duke of Broglie. MacMahon, originally legitimist, having served the two revolutionary monarchies, and lived as a military foreign to the politics, was disposed to conduct himself as parliamentary chief of State. But, timid and modest, he felt himself ignorant, and left his ministers to manage the affairs. The power passed to the chief of the coalition [of all the parties of the Right], the Duke of Broglie, an Orleanist who had refused to join the Empire. He had on the conservative majority a personal influence, by his speech, which, though handicapped by a harsh and nasal voice, was, under the academic forms, biting, disdainful, very strong in attack -, still more by his talents of parliamentary tactician, skilful in the negotiations in lobby among the allies and in the maneuvers in session against his adversaries. Nominated vice-President of the Council, he instantly formed a ministry with Orleanists, two Legitimists and a minister of the Empire, Magne (for the Finances).» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.361)

The Sun: = The President of the French Republic MacMahon, the Sun being the principal of the Heaven.

The Sun shall burn the grand plain, Woods and cities: President MacMahon displayed his strong opinion about the national flag to be adopted toward the special commission of the National Assembly [which connotes the entire France: the grand plain (= the metropolitan France), woods and cities] that it should be the Tricolor: « MacMahon, according to Broglie’s advice, made a declaration “as an echo of the impressions of the entire army”. “ They argue about the substitution of the Tricolor by the white flag. I believe it my duty to give you a warning. If the white flag is raised in place of the Tricolor and if it occurs that the white flag is hoisted by a window in contrast with the Tricolor floating opposite, the chassepots will shoot of themselves, and I could not be responsible to the order in the streets, nor to the discipline in the army.”» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.217)

Letters sealed up with wax: The manifestos and letters of the Count of Chambord denying the Tricolor: « I will not leave the standard of Henry IV, of François Ist and of Joan of Arc snatched up out of my hands.» (Manifesto of July 6th 1871. Seignobos, id., p.321)

« I do not raise a new flag. No one, under any pretext whatever, shall not obtain of me that I consent to become the legitimate king of the Revolution.» (Manifesto of January 29th 1872. Seignobos, id., p.341)

« I cannot consent to inaugurate a reparative regime by an act of weakness. It is in mode to oppose the firmness of Henry V to the dexterity of Heny IV... I would really know what a lesson the fully audacious imprudent could have won to persuade him to disavow the standard of Arques and of Ivry…» (Letter dated 27th, disclosed 29th October 1873. Seignobos, id., p.374)

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§709

19th century:

§709 MacMahon, partisan of the Tricolor, checked the restoration of the monarchy in White (3) (1873.11.21): X-57.

 

X-57:

The dethroned shall not restore his scepter;

He shall detest the young children of the greatests,

There had been no more miserable nor sorer being,

For their spouses the king shall banish him to death.

(Le sublevé ne cognoistra son ceptre,

Les enfans jeunes des plus grands honnira,

Oncques ne feut un plus ord cruel estre,

Pour leurs espouses à mort noir bannira.)

 

NOTES: Sublever: = « élever (to raise), enlever (to take away, to deprive), soulager (to relieve).» (Godefroy)

Ceptre: = Sceptre (Scepter).

Ord: = « ord, ort, fém. orde, V. ort.»; « ort, fém. orde (horridu, horrida), adj. sale (dull, dingy), laid (mean, vile).» (Daele)

Noir: = An anagram of Roi (King) (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.13).

The dethroned shall not restore his scepter; He shall detest the young children of the greatests: The Count of Chambord [the dethroned] did not restore the monarchy of Charles X [his scepter] in 1873 when the royalist fusion was opened because he did detest [honnira] his partner the Orleanists, the descendants of the younger branch of the Bourbons [les enfans jeunes des plus grands], who, partisans of the Tricolor instead of the white flag, did prefer a republic to the monarchy in White: « The Orleanists said that they did not want to make the monarchy in white (la monarchie ‘en blanc’), and Broglie wrote (24th [August 1873]) to Falloux: “ … We should anticipate the obstinacy of which the Count of Chambord has already given more than a proof… and reserve for ourselves a second solution that wards off the complete disorder of the conservative party…, a temporary, but sufficiently long-terminable power, commited to MacMahon.” The chief of the government accepted in advance the failure of the monarchy, and prepared himself to another regime.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.367-368).

Their spouses:  The partisans of MacMahon and Broglie.

The king:  President MacMahon.

There had been no more miserable nor sorer being  [than Chambord], [because] the king shall banish him to [political] death in favor of their spouses: The letter of Chambord from Salzbourg denying the possibility of the Tricolor, dated 27th and disclosed 29th October 1873, was « for the Royalists a thunderbolt, a collapse, a broken dream; it filled the Imperialists and the Republicans with joy. Partisans and adversaries, all saw at once that it made the monarchy impossible... The public, ill-informed about the sentiments of the Count of Chambord, understood that he refused to return to France to reign, for fear of resistances or of complications with Germany. His confidents have energetically protested against this interpretation. He waited his return to France, hoping, with the aid of God, by his personal ascendancy, make accept his government and his standard.» (Seignobos, id., p.374-375)

« The Orleanist chiefs were prepared for the failure of the restoration, and probably they desired it; they at once took their measures to keep indefinitely the provisory regime and the government of the conservative party… There remained none other but the solution prepared by de Broglie, a prolongation of the powers of MacMahon, sufficiently long to combat with authority against the radicals… But, the hazard gave the majority of 8 against 7  to the republicans in the allotment of bureau of the commission. The Left Center declared itself ready to extend the Presidency, but “ in tying tight the law of prolongation to the prompt organization of the Public Powers.” The prolongation, instead of perpetuating the provisory, would serve to found the Republic.» (Seignobos, id., p.375-376).

« The Count of Chambord, uneasy, arrived secretly in France, hoping to restore the kingdom by means of a personal agreement with the President of the Republic. He stayed hidden at Versailles in the house of his faithful of Vanssay during twelve days (November 9-21); the secret, kept by twenty persons, was known neither to the Assembly nor to the police. The Prince expected to appear suddenly in the Assembly on MacMahon’s arm, and make recognize himself as king in the transport of enthusiasm. He sent his confident de Blacas to say to MacMahon that he wished to see him. MacMahon replied that his honor defended him to enter secret conferences; the Assembly had wanted to restore the monarchy, but since the letter of the Prince, it judged its return impossible; this situation imposed on him new obligations he refused to betray. Chambord was grieved by this refusal which deprived him of all means of taking action.» (Seignobos, id., p.376).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§710

19th century:

§710 MacMahon, partisan of the Tricolor, checked the restoration of the monarchy in White (4) (1873.11.21): VI-53.

 

VI-53:

The great Celtic Prelate being suspect to the King,

By night with rapidity shall go out of the reign:

For the fertile duke in favor of his great King, of Britain,

Byzantium in Cyprus and Tunis unsuspected.

(Le grand Prelat Celtique à Roy suspect,

De nuict par cours sortira hors du regne:

Par duc fertille à son grand Roy, Bretaigne,

Bisance à Cipres & Tunes insuspect.)

 

NOTES: Prelat (prelate): A principal person of a Church or a State, prelat (prelature and preture, too) being in Latin « prælatus, being brought forward.» ((Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.52; Vignois, 1910, p.356). The usages in the Prophecies of Nostradamus in an ecclesiastical sense: VI-31, VI-93 and X-56); in a political one: VI-53, VI-86 bis, VIII-93 bis and IX-15; and in a common sense of forward: III-41, IX-21 bis, IX-87 and X-47.

The great Celtic Prelate: « The Count of Chambord, the great Frenchman » (Vignois, id.), Celtique meaning in most cases French (15 among 18 usages of the words Celte, Celtique are for France, Français, français)..

The King: = The President of the French Republic MacMahon (Vignois, id.).

The great Celtic Prelate being suspect to the King: « The Count of Chambord, the great Frenchman, having appeared in person against the vote and become by his presence suspect to MacMahon…» (Vignois, id.). « MacMahon, originally legitimist, having served the two revolutionary monarchies, and lived as a military foreign to the politics, was disposed to conduct himself as parliamentary chief of State…» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.361) « … Chambord saw in the adhesion to his principle the renunciation of the parliamentary regime… » (Seignobos, id., p.367)

By night: In secret.

To go out of the reign: To go out of the French territory and of the French government.

By night with rapidity shall go out of the reign: « The Count of Chambord, uneasy, arrived secretly in France, hoping to restore the kingdom by means of a personal agreement with the President of the Republic. He stayed hidden at Versailles in the house of his faithful of Vanssay during twelve days (November 9-21); the secret, kept by twenty persons, was known neither to the Assembly nor to the police. The Prince expected to appear suddenly in the Assembly on MacMahon’s arm, and make recognize himself as king in the transport of enthusiasm. He sent his confident to MacMahon. MacMahon replied that his honor forbade him to enter secret conferences; the Assembly had wanted to restore the monarchy, but since the letter of the Prince, it judged its return impossible; this situation imposed on him new obligations he refused to betray. Chambord was grieved by this refusal which deprived him of all means of taking action... [which made Chambord leave France on November 21.]» (Seignobos, id., p.376).

The fertile duke in favor of his great King: = Mars (§708, VI-35) = the Duke of Broglie: « MacMahon [his great King], originally legitimist, having served the two revolutionary monarchies, and lived as a military foreign to the politics, was disposed to conduct himself as parliamentary chief of State. But, timid and modest, he felt himself ignorant, and left his ministers to manage the affairs. The power passed to the chief of the coalition [of all the parties of the Right], the Duke of Broglie, an Orleanist who had refused to join the Empire. He had on the conservative majority a personal influence, by his speech, which, though handicapped by a harsh and nasal voice, was, under the academic forms, biting, disdainful, very strong in attack -, still more by his talents of parliamentary tactician, skilful in the negotiations in lobby among the allies and in the maneuvers in session against his adversaries. Nominated vice-President of the Council, he instantly formed a ministry with Orleanists, two Legitimists and a minister of the Empire, Magne (for the Finances).» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.361)

His great King, of Britain: « MacMahon, Marie-Edme-Emile-Maurice, born in Sully (Saône-et-Loire), July 13th 1808, was by his father of Irish origin, and descended by his mother of the dukes of Caraman who had their cradle near Saint-Félix, 14 km distant from Villefranche (Haute-Saône).» (Vignois, id., p.357; cf. Torné-Chavigny, 1862, p.116, note (a)).

The great Celtic Prelate by night with rapidity shall go out of the reign: for [= because of ] the fertile duke: « The Orleanist chiefs could not want the return of a king accustomed to see in them his adversaries, irresistibly disposed to keep them off the power and prefer his legitimist partisans to them. They kept to the parliamentary regime and to the Tricolor, and could not but dread a Prince avowedly devoted to the personal government and to the white standard. The duke of Broglie, president of the Council, and Buffet, president of the Assembly, appealed to their functions to keep off… In case of the failure, the Orleanist chiefs had their solution ready, the prolongation of the powers of the Marshal MacMahon, under a provisory regime which should reserve their future.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.366).

Byzantium in Cyprus and Tunis unsuspected: The royal power the Count of Chambord expected to obtain in restoring the kingdom was like that of the sovereign sieged in Constantinople ruling Cyprus and Tunis in 1873 among the others, where he was not to be suspected.

 « I am the indispensable pilot, the only one capable of conducting the vessel into the port, because I have mission and authority for that.» (Chambord’s manifesto of July 6th 1871. Seignobos, id., p.320).

« My personality is nothing; my principle is all. France shall see the end of her trials when she will understand it… and when God has resolved to save a people, He sees to it that the scepter of justice is given nothing but in the hands sufficiently firm to carry it.» (Letter dated 27th, disclosed 29th October 1873. Seignobos, id., p.374).

« The public, ill-informed about the sentiments of the Count of Chambord, understood that he refused to return to France to reign, for fear of resistances or of complications with Germany. His confidents have energetically protested against this interpretation. The king wished to reign; but, convinced sincerely of the intervention of God in the government of the peoples, he thinks himself missioned to raise the royal authority, which the Providence reserved only for him, ‘ indispensable pilot ’, and he could feel himself provided with the force to accomplish it only when he returned in France with his integral right and the standard, emblem of his right.» (Seignobos, id., p.375)

« The Deputies, friends of the well-being, who formed the minority, cried out: “ We are then in Turkey ! ”» (Vignois, id. p.356).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§711

19th century:

§711 MacMahon, partisan of the Tricolor, checked the restoration of the monarchy in White (5) (1873.11.21): IX-15.

 

IX-15:

Near Parpan the reds detained,

Those of the medium completely defeated brought far.

Three put in pieces and Five hardly supported

For the lord and prelate of Bourgoing.

(Pres de Parpan les rouges detenus,

Ceux du milieu parfondres menez loing:

Trois mis en pieces, & cinq mal soustenus,

Pour le Seigneur & Prelat de Bourgoing.)

 

NOTES: The first two lines describe the defeat of the Paris Commune in May 1871, and the numbers Three and Five of the line 3 refer respectively to Napoleon III dethroned in September 1870 and to Henry V (Count of Chambord) failed in restoration in October 1873.

Parpan: “ A village of France, prefecture of Haute Garonne (Languedoc).” (Bescherelle). « Nostradamus plays with the names of place: “ Parpan ”, a locality of the department of the Rhone, is for par and pan, all.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1875, p.23). « παρἀπαν (parapan), Adv., altogether, absolutely.» (Liddell & Scott). The name Parpan itself also connotes vaguely the theme of Paris nearly in its entirety, which was the case of the Commune of 1871. A proper name of place for a common usage: e.g. Monech (Monaco) for moine (monk) (Torné-Chavigny, 1862, p.56); Nice for victoire (victory) (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.58), etc.

The reds: = Revolutionaries (cf. Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.32). « The tendency of the Commune, in majority revolutionary, rather than socialist.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.307).

The medium: = the capital (Paris): « Ancient people said Medio, milieu (middle), Milan, for capital.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1872, p.183).

Those of the medium: = the reds = the Communards of Paris in 1871.

Near Parpan the reds detained, Those of the medium completely defeated brought far: Almost all the Communards other than killed were completely defeated, detained and deported in the colonial islands far off: « Those of the capital, dispersed by the arms, were brought to New Caledonia.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1872, p.183).

Three put in pieces: « Napoleon III already put in pieces by the vote of deposition, was also broken into pieces by the operation of lithotomy.» (Vignois, 1910, p.341). « The Empress Eugénie, then, settled with his son in Chislehurst (England). Napoleon III, having been granted liberty by Germany after the conclusion of peace, rejoined the Empress and his son in this city where he died on January 9th 1873.» (Muel, 1895, p.331-332, note 1.)

Five hardly supported For [because of ] the lord and prelate of Bourgoing: « The Count of Chambord was not sufficiently supported by the people of the order [i.e. the moral Order, the cause of President MacMahon and his ministry (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.361)] to become Henry V.» (Vignois, id.)

The lord of Bourgoing: = The Duke of Broglie, the name Bourgoing hinting that of Broglie, one of the Orleanist chiefs: « The Orleanist chiefs could not want the return of a king accustomed to see in them his adversaries, irresistibly disposed to keep them off the power and prefer his legitimist partisans to them. They kept to the parliamentary regime and to the Tricolor, and could not but dread a Prince avowedly devoted to the personal government and to the white standard. The duke of Broglie, president of the Council, and Buffet, president of the Assembly, appealed to their functions to keep off… In case of the failure, the Orleanist chiefs had their solution ready, the prolongation of the powers of the Marshal MacMahon, under a provisory regime which should reserve their future.» (Seignobos, id., p.366).

The prelate of Bourgoing: = President MacMahon: prelat (prelate) means a principal person of a Church or a State, prelat (prelature and preture, too) being in Latin « prælatus, being brought forward.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.52; Vignois, 1910, p.356). Cf. The great Celtic Prelate (§710, VI-53) = The Count of Chambord. Moreover, the name Bourgoing suggests, too, that of Bourgogne, and the town of Sully (Saône-et-Loire) where MacMahon was born in 1808 is located in the region (cf. Vignois, id., p.357).

Hardly supported for the prelate of Bourgoing: « MacMahon and Broglie could rely upon the simple and obstinate character of Chambord often revealed in his manifestos and letters (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.320-321, p.341, p.347, p.367, p.369 and p.374) in order to bring about by design the abortion of the restoration of the Monarchy in White, which they could not prefer before any regime in Tricolor, by means of imposing the Tricolor upon him, which was a kind of murder, a suffocation of the political life of the Count of Chambord (cf. id., p.366-368 and p.369-370). « The Prince sent his confident to MacMahon. MacMahon replied that his honor forbade him to enter secret conferences; the Assembly had wanted to restore the monarchy, but since the letter of the Prince, it judged its return impossible; this situation imposed on him new obligations he refused to betray. Chambord was grieved by this refusal which deprived him of all means of taking action.» (Seignobos, id., p.376).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§712

19th century:

§712 MacMahon, partisan of the Tricolor, checked the restoration of the monarchy in White (6) (1873.11.20): VI-54.

 

VI-54:

At daybreak at the second crowing of the cock,

Those of Tunis, of Fez, and of Bugia:

By the Arabs captive the Maroccan King,

The year a thousand six hundred and seven, of Liturgy.

(Au poinct du jour au second chant du coq,

Ceulx de Tunes, de Fez, & de Bugie:

Par les Arabes captif le Roy Maroq,

L'an mil six cens & sept, de Liturgie.)

 

NOTES: The theme of this mysterious quatrain could be detected by Vignois (1910, p.355) as « the vote of the Septennate (November 20th 1873) ».

At daybreak at the second crowing of the cock, Those of Tunis, of Fez, and of Bugia: By the Arabs captive the Maroccan King: « The vote of the Septennate, proposed in a session of night, reminded us of this word of Jesus to Peter: “ At daybreak at the second crowing of a cock you shall have denied me three times.”(cf. Mark, XIV, 30) As the divine Master, delivered by the ingratitude of Judas, to accomplish the prophecy, to a small group of soldiers with arms and lanterns, the Count of Chambord saw against him those to whom his ancestors, among other benefits, had opened Africa; he was not recognized as king of fleur-de-lis by those surnamed Africans, because of their relations with Arabs. The Orleans combatted in Africa, and MacMahon, soldier in Algeria, governor of the Arabs, has his odyssey…» (Vignois, id.)

At daybreak: When the Royalists began to use their majority of the National Assembly to effect the restoration of the monarchy of the Bourbons symbolized by the Sun-King in May 1873 (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.319).

At the second crowing of the cock: When the problem of the national standard [suggested by the crested cock] began to be debated [crowing] among the Royalists in 1873 for the second time: « The princes of the Orleans and the majority of the Assembly accepted the fusion; nothing remained  but to make decide for it the chief of the elder branch, the Count of Chambord. He had returned to France, but incognito, and had announced to the chiefs of the Royalist commission his intention of publishing a manifesto about the question of the standard, which had been in 1850 the principal obstacle to the fusion.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.320; cf. Seignobos, 1921a, p.188-190).

Those of Tunis, of Fez, and of Bugia: The three names of African cities connote the French people because Algeria containing Bugia began to be conquered by them in 1830, Tunisia implied by Tunis is to be so in 1883 and Morocco of Fez is to become a French protectorate in 1912 (cf. Williams, 1968, p.162, p.328 and p.438). Then, the phrase: Those of Tunis, of Fez, and of Bugia can designate the French, especially the different parties of the National Assembly, more or less friendly to the government of MacMahon, as three different African places are more or less penetrated by the French.

The Arabs: = The Orleans: « Algeria. Algiers, a base for ‘Barbary Pirates’ from the sixteenth century, was seized by French troops to avenge a national insult on July 5th, 1830. The Algerians (under Abd-el-Kadar) resisted until 1845, many of France’s victories being won by Orleanist princes.» (Palmer, p.10).

The Maroccan King: = President Marshal of MacMahon, « Mar- » and  « Ma- » of Maroccan, distinct from a real name Moroccan, smartly indicating « Mar- » of Marshal and  the double « Ma- » of MacMahon. Besides, MacMahon has a career in army in Algeria: « Macmahon, Patrice (1808-93, created Marshal of France 1859, Duke of Magenta 1859-70, President of France 1873-9), descendant of an Irish soldier who settled in France after 1688; entered the Army under Charles X and served in Algeria, always remaining at heart a supporter of the Bourbons. His military reputation was made, however, under the Second Empire; he distinguished himself in the Cremea in 1855 by capturing and holding Malakoff Fort and was the victor of Magenta in 1859. After serving as Governor-General of Algeria, he returned to France in 1870, was defeated at Wört and wounded and captured at Sedan. On repatriation, he commanded the troops  that suppressed the Commune in 1871. Two years later he was elected President of the Republic by a predominantly royalist assembly which hoped that he would achieve a restoration of the monarchy…»  (Palmer, p.172-173).

By the Arabs captive the Maroccan King: = The Maroccan King [being] captive by the Arabs: President MacMahon made himself guided as to material administrative matters in presidency by the Orleanist chiefs, especially by the Duke of Broglie, his Prime Minister: « MacMahon, originally legitimist, was disposed to conduct himself as parliamentary chief of State. But, timid and modest, he felt himself ignorant, and left his ministers to manage the affairs. The power passed to the chief of the coalition, the Duke of Broglie, an Orleanist who had refused to join the Empire. Nominated vice-President of the Council, he instantly formed a ministry with Orleanists, two Legitimists and a minister of the Empire, Magne (for the Finances).» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.361)

« The Orleanist chiefs could not want the return of a king accustomed to see in them his adversaries, irresistibly disposed to keep them off the power and prefer his legitimist partisans to them. They kept to the parliamentary regime and to the Tricolor, and could not but dread a Prince avowedly devoted to the personal government and to the white standard. The duke of Broglie, president of the Council, and Buffet, president of the Assembly, appealed to their functions to keep off… In case of the failure, the Orleanist chiefs had their solution ready, the prolongation of the powers of the Marshal MacMahon, under a provisory regime which should reserve their future.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.366).

« MacMahon and Broglie could rely upon the simple and obstinate character of Chambord often revealed in his manifestos and letters (cf. Seignobos, 1921b, p.320-321, p.341, p.347, p.367, p.369 and p.374) in order to bring about by design the abortion of the restoration of the Monarchy in White, which they could not prefer before any regime in Tricolor, by means of imposing the Tricolor upon him, which was a kind of murder, a suffocation of the political life of the Count of Chambord (cf. id., p.366-368 and p.369-370). « The Prince sent his confident to MacMahon. MacMahon replied that his honor forbade him to enter secret conferences; the Assembly had wanted to restore the monarchy, but since the letter of the Prince, it judged its return impossible; this situation imposed on him new obligations he refused to betray. Chambord was grieved by this refusal which deprived him of all means of taking action.» (Seignobos, id., p.376).

The year a thousand six hundred and seven, of Liturgy: This expression refers to the quatrain VIII-71 (§242), where the same expression: L'an mil six cens & sept (The year a thousand six hundred and seven) designates as a cipher, hinting approximately the year of the invention of telescope by Lippersheim in 1608 and its application by Galilei in 1609 (cf. Asimov, 1996, p.98-99), Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) who is one of those who shall not be secured (ne seront asseurez) by the Sacred Congregation of Roman Inquisition (par sacre glomes) in 1633.

This case of Galilei is eminently analogous to that of the Count of Chambord because their supposed protectors, namely the Roman Pontiff Urban VIII with Galilei and the President of France MacMahon with Chambord were to be contrary to their expectation of approving them with personal authority in theology and in politics, respectively.

The Pope (1623-1644), having been very friendly to Galilei when a cardinal (Maffeo Barberini: 1568-1644), was not to be the same as chief of the Church under the massive pressure of Dominican and Jesuitic ecclesiastics persistently disavowing the Copernican system (cf. Noda, 1982, p.303-311), and in parallel, the President, always legitimist at heart, could not choose but decide to adopt the Tricolor under the overwhelming pressure of his military career and of his Orleanist surroundings.

In the end, the Count of Chambord was not secured by the National Assembly (congregation), which voted the Septennate:

« The Orleanist chiefs were prepared for the failure of the restoration, and probably they desired it; they at once took their measures to keep indefinitely the provisory regime and the government of the conservative party… There remained none other but the solution prepared by de Broglie, a prolongation of the powers of MacMahon, sufficiently long to combat with authority against the radicals… But, the hazard gave the majority of 8 against 7  to the republicans in the allotment of bureau of the commission. The Left Center declared itself ready to extend the Presidency, but “ in tying tight the law of prolongation to the prompt organization of the Public Powers.” The prolongation, instead of perpetuating the provisory, would serve to found the Republic.» (Seignobos, id., p.375-376).

« The commission, modifying the proposition, reduced the prolongation to five years starting from the next legislation, and created a commission of 30 members nominated in the bureau to examine constitutional laws. The report, drafted by Laboulaye, of the Left Center, admirer of the United States, declared in favor of the Republic: “ It is by virtue of the monarchy that you desired to obtain a constitutional government. The monarchy has subsided, but, this government you desired, we believe that you can have it no less surely under the republican form. There is no other solution today.”» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.376-377).

« The government accepted a compromise: the prolongation of the powers for seven years starting from the vote of the law, with the title of President of the Republic, and a commission of 30 members, but elected by voting for candidates on a party list, so as to secure a monarchical majority. These concessions, presented as counter-project by the minority of the commission were announced to the Assembly by a message (November 17th) that demanded the immediate vote as mark of confidence. In the public discussion (November 18th-19th), the appeal to the people was rejected by 492 votes against 38, and the counter-project voted by 383 votes against 317; a part of the Left Center [those of Fez], to consolidate the Republic, voted with the Rights [those of Bugie]. The extreme Right [those of Tunis], after a discourse of Broglie who promised the neutrality, voted the prolongation, except 7 members who abstained. The duration of seven years, the septennate, became a constitutional law that could be modified no more by the ordinary legislative procedure. This law remains the first foundation of the actual Constitution of France [as of 1921]. As a work of a monarchic majority, it gives the President a duration of powers longer than in any other Republic of the world.» (Seignobos, id., p.377).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

§713

19th century:

§713 The republican rise in Europe (1870-1890): VI-44.

 

VI-44:

By night through Nantes Lyris shall appear,

Marine arts shall provoke the rain:

The Arabian gulf shall plunge the grand fleet to the bottom,

A monster in Saxony shall be born of a bear and a sow.

(De nuict par Nantes Lyris apparoistra,

Des artz marins susciteront la pluye:

Arabiq goulfre grand classe parfondra,

Un monstre en Saxe naistra d'ours & truye.)

 

NOTES: Lyris: = « Iris, the rainbow of covenant of God with mankind (L’Iris, l’arc-d’alliance de Dieu avec les hommes). Henry V, the Gift of God, perceived in Chambord (le Dieudonné, aperçu à Chambord.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1872, p. 184). Lyris also hints “ fleur-de-lis ”, the House of the Bourbons. The Count of Chambord is also called by Nostradamus “the great Satyr” (§709, III-90), “the blond elite” (§594, I-39), “the Myrmidon” (§601, IX-35), “a king with a chronic illness (= a king without kingdom)” (§603, III-91) and “the deer” (§604, V-4).

By night through Nantes Lyris shall appear: « The Count of Chambord made know, by a public letter [dated October 25th 1872] to one of his partisans, that he should persevere in his mystic politics of union with the papacy. “ The moment France wakes up and announces herself by a great act of faith, they would impose her a government that is most menacing for her religious liberties… After all, France is catholic and monarchic. Have confidence in the mission of France. Europe needs her, the papacy needs her, and consequently the old Christian nation cannot perish.”» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.347) « The King wrote to Mr. de la Rochette, deputy of Nantes, a manifesto-letter, which the Espérance du peuple, of Nantes, brought into the entire world. This letter lighted the profound night we were plunged in.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1876a, p. 44).

Marine arts shall provoke the rain: « Gen.: “ God said to Noah: I will bring the waters of flood onto the earth. I will make alliance with you and you will enter the Ark.” The promise of alliance precedes the scourge. Here, Iris precedes the rain. Noah employed to construct the Ark “ the marine arts ” whose vision provoked the railleries of the culprits…» (Torné-Chavigny, 1872, p. 185). Marine arts represent in the context of the quatrain the monarchy in White fixedly planned and eloquently manifested by Henry V, which provoked its refusal [the rain] by the Orleanists persevering in the Tricolor.

The Arabian gulf: The word “Arabian (Arabiq)” refers to “the Arabs (les Arabes)” of the preceding quatrain VI-54 (§712), which designates the Orleans: « Algiers was seized by French troops to avenge a national insult on July 5th, 1830. The Algerians (under Abd-el-Kadar) resisted until 1845, many of France’s victories being won by Orleanist princes.» (Palmer, p.10). Then, the Arabian gulf, referring mythologically to the Red Sea, signifies the Orleanist separation from the fusion with the Legitimists.

The Arabian gulf shall plunge the grand fleet to the bottom: The Orleanists refuse to accept the white standard as the national emblem to result in the failure of the Monarchy [the grand fleet]. « The Orleanist chiefs were prepared for the failure of the restoration, and probably they desired it; they at once took their measures to keep indefinitely the provisory regime and the government of the conservative party… There remained none other but the solution prepared by de Broglie, a prolongation of the powers of MacMahon, sufficiently long to combat with authority against the radicals.» (Seignobos, 1921b, p.375). « The government accepted a compromise: the prolongation of the powers for seven years starting from the vote of the law, with the title of President of the Republic. The duration of seven years, the septennate, became a constitutional law that could be modified no more by the ordinary legislative procedure. This law remains the first foundation of the actual Constitution of France [as of 1921].» (Seignobos, id., p.377).

Saxony: Representing the whole Germany by synecdoche.

A monster in Saxony: « The German revolutionaries.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1872, p. 189), the word monstre (monster) in the Prophecies of Nostradamus refer in most cases to a monstrous, prodigious or oppositional person, power or being such as Henry of Navarre (I-90), the government of the Jacobins (III-34), Napoleon Bonaparte (II-32), Garibaldi (V-20, V-88), the great colonialist powers (X-98), etc.

A bear (ours): « The French Jacobins » as “ l’Ours (the Bear) ”in the quatrain V-4 (§604) (id.).

A sow (truye): « The followers of Garibaldi » surnamed « pourceau demy-homme » (a half-man pig) [§689, I-64] by Nostradamus.» (id.).

A monster in Saxony shall be born: The rising German social democracy Bismarck endeavored to suppress: « New rivets to make the empire fast were found in the new ordinance for a single standard of measures, coinage, and weights (1873); in the magnificent development of the imperial postal and telegraphic system due to the intelligence of the imperial postmaster, Heinrich von Stephan (from 1870); in the unification of the regulations governing the courts of law in 1876, of which the crowning point was the establishment of the imperial court at Leipsic in 1879. In no respect was the empire so closely bound up with its co-ordinate states as in its finance. For to meet the ever-increasing tasks that were imposed upon it the empire had to look to the income from its indirect taxes, its duties and its imperial regalia (post and telegraph); but besides this it was bound to continue to lay claim to the monetary contributions of the individual states; in this respect, therefore, it was dependent on them, and in other ways often influenced their finances in an irregular and damaging manner. For this reason Prince Bismarck wished to put the empire on its own feet by increasing its own income and to make the single states its boarders, that is to say, its financial dependents.

The first move was to carry out the splendid plan of bringing all the German railways into the possession of the empire, and so making an end at one blow to the ever-increasing confusion caused by eighty-two independent railway districts with sixty boards of directors, forty-nine of which were private undertakings; but this plan proved impracticable in 1876, for the secondary states offered the most determined opposition —  all it did was to serve as an introduction for the general transformation of the railways into state property by the separate states. In his second course, that of raising the duties, Prince Bismarck encountered the opposition of the doctrine of free trade that prevailed everywhere. The abolition of the iron tax on the 1st of January, 1878, showed at last that one of the most important branches of German industry had been imperiled as a consequence of a practical application of this doctrine, and at the same time the rapid growth of social democracy showed that the state could not waste any further time before actively intervening between employers and workmen without prejudicing its own interests. In support of this view what was called Kathedersozialismus [schoolsocialism] brought forward the theories of political economy. The crisis, however, was not reached until in April, 1877, Prince Bismarck, weary of office and ill in health, handed in his resignation; and the emperor, recognizing the incomparable merits of the great statesman, wrote upon it his “ Never ! ” and accordingly expressed his willingness to give him a free hand. Two foul attempts at murder were now aimed at the humane monarch, on the 11th of May and on the 2nd of June, 1878; with lightning flash they illuminated the abyss to which social democracy when left to itself had brought the German people. After the first attempt the Reichstag still refused to pass a special law against it; after the second attempt the newly elected Reichstag adopted one that had been better prepared, on the 19th of October, 1878, to extend until the 31st of May, 1881; this was several times prolonged (until 1890). Thus with one blow the whole social democratic press and the open organization and agitation of a party that placed itself outside the pale of the law were suppressed.» (HH, XV, p.(535-536).

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© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.

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Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 219 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§949).

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