§769 Wall Street Crash (1929.10): VIII-28.

VIII-28 (§769):

The simulacra of gold and of silver so inflated,
That after the kidnapping in a lake shall have been thrown.
In debt all extinct and troubled,
Among the inscribed marbles the before-inscribed ones interjected.

(Les simulachres d'or & d'argent enflez,
Qu'apres le rapt au lac furent gettez
Au descouvert estaincts tous & troublez.
Au marbre escript prescripz intergetez. [№10])

NOTES: The simulacra of gold and of silver: = Securities. Many of interpreters of Nostradamus used to see in this phrase ‘paper money, paper currency’ (e.g., Laver, 1952, p.222; Cheetham, 1973, p.317; Hogue, 1997, p.640; Halley, 1999, p.143), but in principle and above all under the gold standard, paper currency is equivalent to gold, and even under a ‘managed currency’ it is given a legal and public guarantee, while securities are essentially private and most imitative. Moreover, ‘vouchers’ such as paper money, postage stamps, revenue stamps, etc. do not belong to the category of ‘securities’, each being fundamentally different from the other in character. The most characteristic difference is that vouchers never become worthless, while securities are liable to be eventually zero in value in case of bankruptcy, etc. Therefore, If the phrase of the second line: « in a lake shall have been thrown » does mean ‘will be worthless’ (Lamont, 1942, p.142), it is not valid for paper money, but only for securities. The only one who has interpreted this not as paper money but as securities (papiers et valeurs) is Dr. Fontbrune (Fontbrune, 1939, p.135).

Le rapt: = Literally kidnapping. But in the context of the sudden rise and fall of securities, it may mean ‘loss of the monetary value of securities’, namely their ‘crash’ (loss of nest eggs).

Getter: = Jeter; « geter, getter, getray, etc. V. jeter (See throw).» (Daele)

Furent gettez (were thrown): = Auront été jetées (shall have been thrown), this type of substitution sometimes seen in the Prophecies of Nostradamus (e.g., VIII-53, X-20 and X-57).

Qu'apres le rapt au lac furent gettez (That after the kidnapping in a lake shall have been thrown): The nominative relative pronoun “qui” is replaced frequently by “que” in the Prophecies of Nostradamus according to the exceptional usages of the XVIth century: « As regards the relative pronoun, the most noteworthy feature is the use of que for qui in the nominative, first as a singular, and later as a plural pronoun as well.» (Rickard, p.70). Cf. ung monarque qu'en paix & vie ne sera longuement (§490, I-4), Celui qu'aura la charge de destruire temples & sectes (§261, I-96), Le chef qu'aura conduit peuple infini (§428, I-98), L'arbre qu'avoit par long temps mort seché (§603, III-91) et aussi I-99, II-10, III-54, III-94, V-38, VI-15, VI-19, VIII-88, IX-29, X-10 et X-22.

Descouvert: = Default of obligations. « descouvert. n. deficit, shortage.» (Dubois); « descouvert. la dette (the debt).» (Fontbrune, id.).

: = estaint = éteint (extinct): Reasonably meaning a suicide in a great depression in the context of the ‘gravestones’ (marbles) of the fourth line.

Marbre (marble): = « tombeau (tomb).» (Fontbrune, id.).  

Le marbre escript
: = the inscribed marbles: = the gravestones newly built in contrast with the before-inscribed existing ones.

[Les marbres] prescripz: = the before-inscribed existing gravestones.

Au marbre escript prescripz intergetez
: = ‘Among the new gravestones the old ones interjected’, which is an ironical, but logical reversed expression of a fact. The regular style is as follows: Au marbre prescripz intergetez le marbre escript, namely ‘The new gravestones are interjected among the old ones’.

Now, this custom of building an individual gravestone for burying a new individual deceased is properly Western and far from that in Japan where peoples have in general their own family grave to bury in common each member when died. Therefore, this quatrain is judged to refer not to 1990s’ depression in Japan, but to that of USA in autumn 1929 to the beginning of 1930. In fact, at that time the USA adopted the gold standard and it was only in March 1933 that she suspended it. Then paper money was not an imitative of gold or silver but truly a convertible currency, though in practice the conversion itself having been in a malfunction. Thence we can conclude that in this quatrain it concerns ‘securities’ excluding paper money. And in reality the U.S. dollar did not suffer such a sudden rise and fall.

« A fortnight before this scene [on Friday 3 October 1929], Winston Churchill, who until earlier that year had been Britain’s Chancellor of the Exchequer for five years, wrote to his wife from America:

Now my darling I must tell you that vy gt & extraordinary good fortune has attended me lately in finances. Sir Harry McGowan asked me rather earnestly before I sailed whether he might if an opportunity came buy shares on my account without previous consultation. I replied that I could always find 2 or 3,000 £. I meant this as an investment limit i.e. buying the shares outright. He evidently took it as the limit to wh I was prepared to go in a speculative purchase on margin. Thus he operated on about ten times my usual scale... So here we have recovered in a few weeks a small fortune... It is a relief to me to feel something behind me and behind you all.

It is interesting that Churchill should have been speculating on margin right up to the brink of the crash. He was one of about 600, 000 trading on margin of the 1,548,707 customers who, in 1929, had accounts with firms belonging to America’s twenty-nine stock-exchanges. At the peak of the craze there were about a million active speculators, and out of an American population of 120 million about 29-30 million families had an active association with the market. Churchill, despite his experience and world-wide contacts, was no better informed than the merest street-corner speculator. The American economy had ceased to expand in June. It took some time for the effects to work their way through but the bull market in stocks [The simulacra of gold and of silver so inflated] really came to an end on 3 September, a fortnight before Churchill wrote his joyful letter. The later rises were merely hiccups in a steady downward trend. On Monday 21 October, for the first time, the ticker-tape could not keep pace with the news of falls and never caught up; in the confusion the panic intensified and speculators began to realize they might lose their savings and even their homes [In debt troubled]. On Thursday 24 October shares dropped vertically with no one buying [the kidnapping], speculators were sold out as they failed to respond to margin calls, crowds gathered in Broad Street outside the New York Stock Exchange, and by the end of the day eleven men well known on Wall Street had committed suicide [In debt extinct]. One of the visitors in the gallery that day was Churchill himself, watching his faerie gold vanish. Next week came Black Tuesday, the 29th, and the first selling of sound stocks in order to raise desperately needed liquidity. Great stock-exchange crises, with their spectacular reversals of fortune and human dramas, make the dry bones of economic history live...» (Johnson, 1991, p.230-231).

« The credit inflation petered out at the end of 1928. The economy went into decline, in consequence, six months later. The market collapse followed after a three-month delay. As we have seen, the Stock Exchange fall began in September and became panic in October. On 13 November, at the end of the panic, the index was at 224, down from 452. There was nothing wrong in that. It had been only 245 in December 1928 after a year of steep rises. The panic merely knocked out the speculative element, leaving sound stocks at about their right value in relation to their earnings. If the recession had been allowed to adjust itself, as it would have done by the end of 1930 on any earlier analogy, confidence would have returned and the world slump need never have occurred. Instead, the market went on down, slowly but inexorably, ceasing to reflect economic realities – its true function – and instead becoming an engine of doom, carrying to destruction the entire nation and, in its wake, the world. By 8 July 1933 New York Times industrials had fallen from 224 at the end of the panic to 58 [The simulacra of gold and of silver after the kidnapping in a lake shall have been thrown]. US Steel, selling at 262 before the market broke in 1929, was now only 22. GM, already one of the best-run and most successful manufacturing groups in the world, had fallen from 73 to 8. By this time the entire outlook for the world had changed – infinitely for the worse.» (Johnson, id., p.240-241).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved.

§770 The March on Rome; Dictatorship of Mussolini (1919-1945): VII-32.

VII-32 (§770):

One of the Royal mountain shall be born of a hovel,
Who bets and is reliable, shall come to tyrannize,
Shall raise troops of the Milanese march,
Shall exhaust Faenza, Florence, wealth and the nation.

(Du mont Royal naistra d'une casane,
Qui cave, & comte viendra tyranniser,
Dresser copie de la marche Millane,
Favene, Florence d'or & gents expuiser.)

NOTES: The Royal mountain: « Rome sometimes is called “The Royal Mountain,” from its Capitoline Hill.» (Boswell, 1941, p.257).

(hovel): = « diminutif de casa, maison, taudis (diminutive of casa, house, hovel).» (Fontbrune, 1939, p.224).

One of the Royal mountain shall be born of a hovel: « Benito Mussolini was the son of Alessandro Mussolini, socialistic blacksmith and innkeeper of the hamlet Dovia, in Romagna. A “Sunday child,” like Goethe, the future Duce was born on July 29, 1883.» (Boswell, id.).

Who bets and is reliable, shall come to tyrannize
: « Mussolini organized the first Fascio di Combattimento in March, 1919, while he was in Milan editing Popolo d’Italia. Though Mussolini started fascism to combat the wave of anarchy sweeping Italy, he had to control all industries to keep them open and to provide jobs for the workers. Factories remained in the owners’ hands, but profits were controlled strictly. Fascism took over the entire national economy to provide a living for all Italians. Thus, Il Duce tyrannized ...» (Boswell, id.).

: = He bets; « CAVER. 1° Creuser (to hollow); 2° Faire mise d’une somme d’argent à certains jeux: poker, bouillotte (to bet a sum of money on certain games: poker, an old French card game).» (Petit Robert).

: = Compte = He is reliable; « COMPTER. ... 4° Être compté, avoir de l’importance (to be counted, to be of importance).» (Petit Robert).

Who bets and is reliable,
Shall raise troops of the Milanese march: « The wind of change was blowing in rather a different direction. By the second half of 1919 new types of ‘vanguard élites’ were making their appearance in Europe. They too were socialists. Marx was often in their pantheon. But they appealed to something broader than an abstract ‘proletariat’ which was mysteriously failing to respond – at any rate as an electoral or a fighting force – and their collective dynamic was not so much class as nation, even race. They also had a powerful and immediate grievance in common: dissatisfaction with the Treaty of Versailles. In Turkey, which had lost its Arab empire and appeared to be losing its western littoral also, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, soon to be ‘Ataturk’, likewise offered national socialism and was already proving that a settlement determined in Paris could not be enforced on the spot. Italy, too, though a big gainer, still had a grievance against Versailles: she had not got the Dalmatian coast. On 11 September, the poet and war-hero Gabriele d’Annunzio led a raggle-taggle force of army deserters into the port of Fiume. It was an impudent bluff: but Britain and France, the custodians of the settlement, backed down – an ominous portent. D’Annunzio, too, was a national socialist. From Milan, Mussolini sniffed this new wind and liked it, just as five years earlier he had caught the whiff of wartime excitement, and liked that too. The coming of war and his own determination to bring Italy into it had taken him right out of the official socialist party. It had made him a nationalist, not merely in the romantic-Left tradition of Mazzini but in the acquisitive tradition of the old Romans, whose fasces, turned into a radical emblem of the French Revolution, he found a useful symbol, just as Lenin had picked on the hammer and sickle of the old Social Democrats. It made him hate Lenin for taking Russia out of the war and so jeopardizing Italy’s promised gains. By 1919 Lenin’s economic failure had turned him away from the outright expropriation of industry. He now wanted to use and exploit capitalism rather than destroy it. But his was to be a radical revolution nonetheless, rooted in the pre-war ‘vanguard-élite’ Marxism and syndicalism (workers’ rule) which was to remain to his death the most important single element in his politics. Many other young Italian former socialists shared his radicalism while abandoning their internationalism. Internationalism had not worked either in 1914, when it had failed to stop war, or in 1917, when it had failed to respond to Lenin’s call for world revolution. But the desire to install a new economic Utopia remained. On 23 March 1919 Mussolini and his syndicalist friends founded a new party. Its programme was partial seizure of finance capital, control over the rest of the economy by corporative economic councils, confiscation of church lands and agrarian reform, and abolition of the monarchy and senate.» (Johnson, 1991, p.95-96); « Italy was not a happy or a well-governed country. It had appalling poverty, the highest birth-rate in Europe and, after Germany, one of the highest inflation-rates. The parliamentary regime was grievously corrupt. The monarchy was unloved. The state itself had been at daggers with the Church since 1871, and was denounced from every pulpit on Sundays. There was genuine fear of a Red Terror, for the Catholic newspapers were full of Lenin’s atrocities and the Russian famine. Mussolini was not personally identified with violence. On the contrary: he seemed to many to be the one to stop it. He had become a wonderful public speaker. He had learnt from d’Annunzio the gift of conducting a quasi-operatic dialogue with the crowd. But he was not just a demagogue. His speeches specialized in the wide-ranging philosophical reflections Italians love. Liberals from Benedetto Croce downwards attended his meetings. By the early autumn of 1922 his oratory had acquired a confident and statesmanlike ring [Who is reliable]. He was now in secret contact with the palace, the Vatican, the army, the police and big business. What, they all wanted to know, did he want? At Udine he told them, in the last of a series of major speeches given all over the country: ‘Our programme is simple: we wish to govern Italy.’ He would govern Italy as it had never been governed since Roman times: firmly, fairly, justly, honestly, above all efficiently. On 16 October 1922 Mussolini decided to force the issue [Who bets], believing that if he waited, Giolitti [in premiership in May 1892 – Dec. 1893 and in May 1906 – Dec. 1909], the one man he feared, might steal his role. He arranged for a march on Rome for the end of the month, by four divisions totalling 40,000 blackshirted men. Many army and police commanders agreed not to fire on them, and his paper, Il Popolo d’Italia, carried the banner: I grigioverdi fraternizzano con le Camicie Nere! [The graygreens (of the Italian Army uniforms) will fraternize with the Black Shirt (of the Fascists)!] Mussolini had a lifelong capacity for hovering uneasily between grandeur and farce. By the time his ill-equipped, badly clothed and unfed army had halted outside Rome, in pouring rain, on the evening of 28 October, it did not present a very formidable spectacle. The government, though weak, had a Rome garrison of 28,000 under a reliable commander and it agreed to proclaim a state of emergency. But Rome buzzed with rumours and misinformation. The little King Victor Emmanuel, tucked up in the Quirinale Palace, was told only 6,000 ill-disciplined troops faced a horde of 100,000 determined fascists. He panicked and refused to sign the decree, which had to be torn down from the walls where it had just been posted. At that point the government lost heart. Mussolini, for an impatient man, played his cards skilfully. When he was telephoned in Milan by the King’s
ADC, General Cittadini, and offered partial power in a new ministry, he simply replaced the receiver. The next day, 29 October, he graciously consented to form his own government, provide the invitation by phone was confirmed by telegram. The wire duly came, and that evening he went to Milan Station in state, wearing his black shirt, to catch the night-sleeper to Rome. As it happened, the wife of the British ambassador, Lady Sybil Graham, was also on the train. She saw Mussolini, who was surrounded by officials, impatiently consult his watch, and turn fiercely on the station-master. ‘I want the train to leave exactly on time,’ he said. ‘From now on, everything has got to function perfectly.’ Thus a regime, and a legend, were born. In the last decade of his life Mussolini became an increasingly tragic, even grotesque. figure. Looking back from this later perspective it is hard to grasp that, from the end of 1922 to the mid-1930s, he appeared to everyone as a formidable piece [Who is reliable] on the European chess-board. Once installed, he did not make any of Lenin’s obvious mistakes. He did not create a secret police [until 1926 when the Director General of police A. Bocchini created one] (Kitahara et al., 2008, p.492), or abolish parliament. The press remained free, opposition leaders at liberty. There were some murders, but fewer than before the coup. The Fascist Grand Council was made an organ of state and the Blackshirts were legalized, giving an air of menace to the April 1924 elections, which returned a large fascist majority. But Mussolini saw himself as a national rather than a party leader. He said he ruled by consent as well as force. He seems to have possessed not so much the will to power as the will to office. He wanted to remain there and become respectable; he wished to be loved.» (Johnson, id., p.99-100).

Exhaust Faenza, Florence
: = « épuiser l’Italie (to exhaust Italy).» (Ionescu, 1976, p.529).

Shall exhaust Faenza, Florence, wealth and the nation: « From the Corfu Incident of 1924 [sic; (1923)] to the attack on Abyssinia of 1935, [Mussolini] indulged in an aggressive foreign policy. Although at first hostile to Hitler’s Germany because of its ambitions in Austria (Italy’s neighbour), the similarity between the Fascist and Nazi systems and the international ostracism imposed on Italy because of the Abyssinian War led Mussolini to bring the two countries together in what he called the ‘Axis’ of 1936. At Easter 1939 he annexed Albania. He declared war on Britain and France on June 10th, 1940, when France was already defeated. On the following October 28th his troops invaded Greece but were repulsed and, soon after, suffered reverses in Libya and East Africa. These defeats weakened Mussolini’s prestige, especially as the Fascists had always sought to inculcate admiration for the glories of war. By the summer of 1941 Mussolini had become virtually a German pensionary but it was not until July 25th, 1943, that a coup by King Victor Emmanuel and Marshal Badoglio forced him to resign. He was imprisoned, but was rescued from the Appennines by German parachutists (September 12th, 1943) and set up a Republican Fascist Government which administered German-occupied northern Italy.» (Palmer, p.194-195).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved.

§771 The assassination of Giacomo Matteoti (1924): IX-2.

IX-2 (§771):

From the height of Mt. Aventine, the voice heard,
“Run away, run away in all directions,”
“The wrath of the revolutionaries shall be calmed down by the blood,”
Rome rejected by Rimini and Prato.

(Du hault du mont Aventin, voix ouye,
Vuydez vuydez de tous les deux costez,
Du sang des rouges sera l'ire assomye,
D'Arimin Prato, Columna debotez.)

NOTES: This quatrain « predicts one of the events that followed the takeover of the power by the Fascists. These verses evidently allude to the assassination of one of the chiefs of the parliamentary opposition against the government of Mussolini, the socialist Deputy Matteoti who was killed in 1924 by a group of fascist assassins. To make public their will of protestation, the representatives of the opposition did retire on the Aventine Hill and did participate no more in the works of the Chamber of Deputies seated in the palace of Montecitorio in Rome.» (Corvaja, 1977, p.132).

Mont Aventin
(Mt. Aventine): One of the seven hills in Rome, representing ‘the refuge of the liberal Romans in antiquity in revolt against the Senate in power’ (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.202), symbolizing in general the Liberal opposition against the regime in power (e.g. III-17: Mont Aventine = Roman Republicans in 1848; V-57: mont Aventin = Those in the French Revolution; IX-2 also refers to Italian liberalism with Italian place-names, i.e. ‘the Aventine Union’ (
Kitahara et al., 2008, p.489).

: = « vuidier, laisser vide (to empty); partir, s’en aller (to depart, to go away); s’éloigner, sortir (to get away, to leave).» (Godefroy).

Ouy: = Ouï (Heard).

Assomy: = Assommi, past participle of « assommir, jeter dans le sommeil, assoupir (to make fall in sleep, to make sleepy).» (Godefroy).

Du sang des rouges sera l'ire assomye: The construction is as follows: L'ire des rouges sera assomye du sang (The wrath of the revolutionaries [= Fascists] shall be calmed down by the blood).

Arimin: = « Latin: Ariminum: Rimini.» (Fontbrune, 1980, p.323).

Prato: = « A city in Tuscany.» (Fontbrune, id.).

Arimin Prato: = « Celui qui sera originaire de Rimini-Prato (He who shall be a native of Rimini-Prato). Mussolini had begun to write his autobiography: I was born on July 29, 1883 at Varnano dei Costa, near the village of Dovia itself near that of Predappio. The village of Predappio is situated upon the axis Rimini-Prato, equally distant from the two cities, or about 50 km apart.» (Fontbrune, id., p.323-324).

Columna: = « Colonne in Italy.» (Fontbrune, id., p.323) = Colonna, a small town near Rome to its east, representing the parties in opposition in the political centre Rome.

The town Columna in Latin, Colonna in Italy, is mentioned early in the deeds of the German Emperor Henry III having intervened in the affairs of the Roman Church in 1046-1047: « For a brief period, therefore, there were to be seen three rival popes, each denouncing the other’s pretensions and combating them by armed force. But even in Rome the sense of decency and shame had not become altogether extinguished; and at length a party in the Roman church deputed Peter, their archdeacon, to carry a petition to the emperor Henry III, soliciting his intervention. The emperor, a man of deep religious feeling and lofty character, responded to the appeal. He had long noted, in common with other thoughtful observers, the widespread degeneracy which, taking example by the curia, was growing throughout the church at large, and especially visible in concubinage and simony, alike regarded as mortal sins in the clergy. He forthwith crossed the Alps and assembled a council at Sutri. The claims of the three rival popes were each in turn examined and pronounced invalid, and a German Suidger (Suidgar or Suger), bishop of Bamberg, was elected to the office as Clement II (1046-1047).» (HH, VIII, p.591); « 1047. Mit der höchsten Würde der Christenheit angethan, verweilte Heinrich in den nächsten Wochen in Rom und seiner Umgegend. Am 1. Jan. 1047 urkundete er zu Colonna bei Frascati (St. 2319##)... (1047 A.D. In the next week Henry, in the guise of the heighest dignity of the Christian, stayed in Rome and its neighbourhood. On January 1st he was announced to be in Colonna near Frascati [Stumpf, Die Reichskanzler, Heinrich III., article 2319].)» (Müller, 1901, p.61).
(St. 2314): [1046 [A.D.] Oct. 25. In Pavia.] (Stumpf, 1865, p.191).
(St. 2316): [1046 [A.D.] Nov. 25. In Lucca.] (id.).
(St. 2317): [1046 [A.D.] Dec. 1. In San-Genesio (near San-Miniato).] (id.).
(St. 2318): [1046 [A.D.] Dec. 25. In Rome, „in potestate regis Heinrici, qui in presentia habetur‟ bekräftigt Papst Clemens II. demselben das Patriciat von Rom (“by the potency of the presently reigning King Henry” he confirms the Patriarch of Rome to the Pope Clemens II himself ).] (id.).
(St. 2319): « 1047 [A.D.] Jan. 1. Colonna (bei Frascati, südöstl. von Rom), für das Kloster S. Trinitatis und S. Quiricus bei Finiano in der Grafschaft Valva (in den Abruzzen). ad Columna civitatem (January 1st. In Colonna (near Frascati, southeast of Rome), for the Monastery of S. Trinitatis and S. Quiricus near Finiano in the County of Valva (in Abruzzo). Back to the city Columna).» (id.).

Debotez: = « debouter, repousser (to push back).» (Godefroy).

D'Arimin Prato, Columna debotez
: The construction is as follows: Columna [sera] debotez d'Arimin Prato (Columna [shall be] rejected by Rimini-Prato), i.e., the opposing groups in Rome shall be rejected by Mussolini native of the village of Predappio situated upon the axis Rimini-Prato: « The assassination of the Socialist Deputy Giacomo Matteoti on June 10, 1924 by the extremist partisans of Mussolini unlatched a new phase in the arrangement of the fascism. In the face of the outcry [From the height of Mt. Aventine, the voice heard] raised by this murder, Mussolini reeled under the accusations. He confronts it and makes his profit of the occasion to unmask himself.» (Trémolières IV, p.60); « In a very characteristic mixture of arrogance and fatalistic despair, he announced the beginning of fascism in a notorious speech delivered on 3 January 1925. Opposition newspapers were banned. Opposition leaders were placed in confino on an island [Rome rejected by Rimini and Prato]. As Mussolini put it, opposition to the monolithic nation was superfluous – he could find any that was needed within himself. He produced a resounding totalitarian formula, much quoted, admired and excoriated then and since: ‘Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.’ A whole series of ‘fascist laws’ were drawn up, some constitutional, some punitive, some positive, the last being the Leggi di riforma sociale, which purported to bring the Corporate State into existence.» (Johnson, 1991, p.101).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved. 

§772 Mussolini and Pius XI (1919-1939): III-65.

III-65 (§772):

When the sepulcher of the great Roman found,
On the day thereafter shall be elected a pontiff,
He shall not be unanimously approved by the senate
His blood in the sacred chalice poisoned.

(Quand le sepulchre du grand Romain trouvé,
Le jour apres sera esleu pontife,
Du senat gueres il ne sera prouvé
Empoisonné son sang au sacré scyphe.)

NOTES: When the sepulcher of the great Roman found: « On 23 March 1919 Mussolini and his syndicalist friends founded a new party. Its programme was partial seizure of finance capital, control over the rest of the economy by corporative economic councils, confiscation of church lands and agrarian reform, and abolition of the monarchy and senate.» (Johnson, 1991, p.96); « Italy was not short of poetic myths. There was the nineteenth-century nationalist myth of Garibaldi and Mazzini, still enormously powerful, the Realpolitik myth of Machiavelli (another of Mussolini’s favourite authors), and the still earlier myth of Rome and its empire, waiting to be stirred up from its long sleep and set to march with new legions [the sepulcher of the great Roman]...» (Johnson, id., p.97); « At Udine he told in the last of a series of major speeches given all over the country: ‘Our programme is simple: we wish to govern Italy.’ He would govern Italy as it had never been governed since Roman times: firmly, fairly, justly, honestly, above all efficiently.» (Johnson, id., p.99); « In 1919, he [Mussolini] founded the fascist party [When the sepulcher of the great Roman found] with a socialist and republican programme and showed sympathy with the factory occupations of 1919-20. The local party branches were known as fasci di combattimento (fighting groups) – the word fasces meant the bundle of rods with protruding axe which used to symbolise the authority and power of the ancient Roman consuls.» (Lowe, 1988, p.96);

= The buried shall come out of his tomb (§773, VII-24) = At the foundation of a new sect, The bones of the great Roman shall be found, The covered sepulcher of marble shall appear (§777, VI-66): « The profound cause of the birth, the development and the end of the Fascism was the worship of the Roman emperors, of whom it made a model.» (Ionescu, 1976, p.535).

On the day thereafter shall be elected a pontiff: « Ratti became Archbishop of Milan... Achille Ratti had been a Cardinal for only seven months when Pope Benedict XV died suddenly. He received the news with deep regret, because of the affection and affinity of views on many questions between him and the Pope. Before Cardinal Ratti left for the conclave in Rome, he celebrated a requiem Mass. At the end of the service he asked the congregation to pray with him that God provide a worthy successor as the new Pope. On the same evening he took the train for Rome. Upon arriving in Rome, he took up his quarters in the Lombard Seminary, the institution where he had spent three years during his youth... There is no doubt that he was fully aware of the possibility that stood before him, namely, to become Pope. It was but a premonition. Ratti had no vaulting ambition to become the leader of the universal Church.. On February 2, 1922, when he entered the conclave, he said good-bye to the seminarians by asking again for their prayers, and left them with the words: “Fiat voluntas tua” - Thy will be done... In 1922 the conclave was held in a restricted area of the Vatican Palace. Each Cardinal was assigned three rooms: one for himself and two for his secretary and valet. The balloting itself is held in the Sistine Chapel. There are four ballots every day; two in the morning and two in the afternoon. At the end of a balloting the ballots are immediately burned in a stove, the chimney of which faces St. Peter's Square. When the new Pope has been finally elected, wet straw is added to the ballots that are to be burned and this produces the famous white smoke that traditionally conveys to the outside world the news that a new Pontiff sits on the throne of St. Peter. The College of Cardinals, when full, has seventy members. At the death of Benedict XV there were sixty; of these, fifty-three participated in the election. Descriptions of the proceedings of conclaves have very often been published by participants, yet certain aspects of the proceedings of a conclave are secret, and any Cardinal who reveals them would be breaking his oath. There are, however, certain aspects of a papal election which are not secret and if revealed do not harm the Church. Most of the published accounts agree that Achille Ratti was elected on the fourteenth ballot on February 6 [, 1922. On the day thereafter]. Cardinal Ratti accepted the election and was immediately vested in the traditional white robes. He chose Pius XI as his new name, because, as he said, he had been born into the Catholic Church during the pontificate of Pius IX, and it was Pius X who had called him to Rome. Furthermore, Pius is a name expressing peace; his predecessor Benedict XV dedicated himself to peace and he, Ratti, wanted to devote himself to the pacification of the world. After a moment of silence, he lifted his voice. As he pronounced the words of acceptance, he was humble though firm. But then his voice became the voice of the Pope making his first pronouncement, declaring that he would defend all the prerogatives and rights of the Holy See. And he told the assembled cardinals that he would make an appearance on the outer balcony of St. Peter's because he wanted to give a sign of his good will to Italy and to the entire world, something no Pope had done for the last fifty years.»
(Aradi, 1958, p.122-128).

Gueres: = « GUÈRE ou GUÈRES. adv. 1. Vx. Beaucoup, très (Arch.
Much, greatly).» (Petit Robert).

Du senat gueres il ne sera prouvé
: = Il ne sera gueres prouvé du senat: = Il ne sera beaucoup prouvé du senat: = Il ne sera prouvé du senat à l’unanimité (He shall not be unanimously approved by the senate, the Fascism in principle pretending to be unanimous also in the Senate as the Chamber being so): « Thus began the 200 meetings in which the problem was studied. Francesco Pacelli made it clear at the first meeting that the Pope would insist on two conditions: that in some way or other the Pope's temporal sovereignty be re-established; and that religious marriage ceremony be put on a par with civil marriage ceremony. Since Barone agreed, this became the basis for the preliminary negotiations during which the territorial limits of the Vatican state were agreed upon. It was also agreed that a concordat would follow the agreement, and that the state would adjust its marriage laws to those of the Church. On his part, the Holy Father renounced any guarantees from any other powers. In 1926, the negotiators had 110 conferences and 129 audiences with the Pope (often lasting from three to four hours). On November 24, 1926, the first drafts were ready. In the last months of 1926 and thereafter, negotiations on behalf of the papacy were carried on by Msgr. Borgongini-Duca at Cardinal Belmonte's villa. They often lasted from 10:00 in the morning until 7:00 at night. On September 5, 1928, when the whole question was almost settled between the two parties, it was announced that negotiations could begin officially. On November 22, 1928, the king formally authorized Barone, and the Pope authorized Cardinal Gasparri, to sign any agreements that were reached. Barone fell ill, and his place was taken by Mussolini himself. After January 21, 1929, the treaty and the concordat were discussed point by point, so that Francesco Pacelli could report to the Pope every morning. There was, of course, an army of jurists, specialists, protocolists, and others involved. On February 7, 1929, Cardinal Gasparri, Secretary of State of the Vatican, called together the heads of the diplomatic missions accredited to the Holy See to his official chambers. There he announced that the seemingly insoluble Roman question had been peacefully solved, and that the Vatican and Italy were working on a concordat to regulate their mutual relations. At noon on February 11, 1929, Cardinal Gasparri, representing Pius XI, received Mussolini, who was representing King Victor Emmanuel, in the Lateran Palace. Both were accompanied by their entourages and both signed the documents that had been prepared. On the next day the Pope celebrated the seventh anniversary of his coronation in the festively adorned St. Peter's Church. He was acclaimed by cheering thousands. Among the honored guests were high Italian army officials, three government ministers, and King Gustav of Sweden. From the loggia he imparted blessings to 200,000 persons in the square. Rome was gaily illumined that night, public buildings decked with flags of the papacy and the Italian kingdom. Crowds gathered respectfully before the residence of the king and queen, a Te Deum was celebrated, and the Nuncio held a reception. On March 9 the diplomatic corps (twenty-seven ambassadors and ministers) was festively received in the Vatican. Pius XI was exposed to criticism by some anti-fascists because of the speech he delivered on the day after the signing of the Lateran Treaty. In this speech it was said he called Mussolini “l’uomo della providenza” - the man of providence...» (Aradi, 1958, p.153-154); « On March 10, 1929, Mussolini delivered his most important electoral campaign speech, and praised the Church, and the Pope. Being a good politician, he exploited to the utmost the signature of the treaty. The elections took place on March 24, and, as expected, the national list of the fascist party received an overwhelming majority (8,500,000 votes to 136,000). The opening speech of King Victor Emmanuel III, inaugurating the fascist chamber, also hailed the reconciliation between the Holy See and Italy. The first sign of how Mussolini might interpret the treaty came from Mussolini himself in his speech of May 13, when the Lateran Treaty came up for formal ratification in the fascist chamber. Mussolini minimized Italy's concession and presented the treaty as a victory of the Italian government, that is, a victory of the lay state over the Church. The fascist chamber passed the ratification unanimously. In the senate, 293 voted for the treaty and 10 against it [He shall not be unanimously approved by the senate]. Benedetto Croce, the philosopher of liberalism, whom Mussolini esteemed highly and kept as a member of the senate, spoke against the treaty. The opposing votes were those of Croce's followers...» (Aradi, id., p.157).

: « Latin scyphus, chalice » (Leoni, 1982, p.208).

His blood in the sacred chalice poisoned
: The Pope Pius XI in his later years made laborious efforts, as it were, to detoxify his reconciliatory relations with Mussolini and Hitler he had established in his earlier years; « In 1936, Cardinal Pacelli negotiated personally in Barcelona on his trip back from the Eucharistic Congress of Buenos Aires, but the course of history could not be arrested. Communist infiltration was too widespread, and the Soviet had decided to make a test case of Spain. The disappearance of the liberals and the overt terror and anti-religious attitude of the communists left no choice for Pius XI but to condemn the regime as evil and make the issue clear: the Church chose martyrdom rather than subservience. The victory of Franco then made negotiation with the Holy See possible. It granted religious freedom, but the agreement did not mean that the Holy See backed all Franco's political aims. Pius XI’s fight with Hitler adds another dramatic chapter to his reign. Much has been written about the concordat that Pius XI concluded with Germany in 1934. Indeed the Pope and Holy See have been criticized, sometimes bitterly, for having negotiated the agreement with Hitler.» (Aradi, 1958, p.212);

« The last year of his life was a great human drama. The Pope wanted to forestall the threatening events, because he was aware that the forces of evil were preparing a horrible conflagration. At the same time, he had to struggle with his own physical decline. He had had several heart attacks and had been on the verge of death a number of times. He had often told members of his entourage that he wanted to die with the words, "Jesus, Mary and Joseph," on his lips, as these had been taught to him by his mother. He requested that those close to him recite "Jesus, Mary and Joseph" with him when the time came, Life for Pius XI in a physical sense became more and more difficult. Archbishop Confalonieri, his secretary, recorded all the utterances of the Pope during these years. They are truly the remarks of a man saintly in suffering. Once he said to Confalonieri: "It is really most comforting for me to have the Holy Sacrament. There Jesus in silence lives His divine life and governs the world. Even during the night He is an ineffable Companion. One prays, and so many problems are settled. It is almost like anticipating paradise." While the Pope lived in complete union with God and was prepared to be taken to Him, Hitler prepared for war. The "pact of steel" of the Axis Powers was signed; the persecution of all adversaries of Hitler and Mussolini was intensified. Even Mussolini tried to introduce racial laws, despite the firm refusal of the population and the authorities in Italy to accept them. The ailing Pope found many occasions to condemn such actions. The most striking condemnation was his speech on July 28, 1938, when he received professors and students of the University of the Propaganda Fide in audience. He said that racism and exaggerated nationalism are barriers between man and man, between nation and nation, and he warned that those who fancied that they could attack Catholic Action and Catholic ideas without attacking the Pope and the Church are gravely mistaken. Hitler and his associates, however, went on without heeding these warnings from the Vatican. Pius XI ordered prayers for peace. During the mounting tension in the summer of 1938 there were moments when he said: "Even I start to become a pessimist, I who am an optimist by nature." And he said to an audience composed of young people: "Never did I have such a desire to die than in these times. I hope that I will go first, but you younger people, I am afraid, will see sad things/' He predicted the war and he predicted the great destruction in Europe. On September 28, when the tension rose to its climax, the Pope said he wanted to offer his life or his death in exchange for the settling of the world's problems. He was terribly shaken. The Munich Conference was scheduled for September 29 and the Pope decided to speak the night before. In this most memorable radio message, directed to the whole world, he directed his greatest plea to God and man for peace. Since Czechoslovakia was the victim at that time, the Pope ended his radio message by recalling the heroic martyrdom of Saint Wenceslaus, the patron saint of Czechoslovakia. Although the tension momentarily eased, the Pope no longer believed that human power could avoid war. His strength began to fail. His pulse weakened. After an audience on February 1, 1939, he worked as usual in his private library. But when his male nurse came on duty in the evening he noticed that the Pope was not at all well. On February 4 he decided to invite the entire episcopate for an audience to be held February 11. He wanted to have a more intimate non-official, paternal conversation with them on February 12. No one expected this move from the Pope, although it was known that he considered Mussolini's attachment to Hitler dangerous and fatal, not only for Italy but for the relationship between the Holy See and Italy. He was preparing an important stroke. He denounced racism, fascism and national socialism on every occasion. He sent warnings through diplomatic channels, delivered in a soft voice, warnings by special ambassadors and warnings spoken out clearly by himself but to no avail. As subsequent events proved, the idea of a major stroke against Hitler and Mussolini had been maturing in the Pope's mind for quite a long time. Now he gave orders for the convocation of the Bishops of Italy. February 11 was a day doubly important for him. This is the feast day of Lourdes, and on February 11, 1929, ten years before, the Lateran Treaty had been signed... On February 10, at 3:00 in the morning, the end was obvious. The Cardinal Penitentiary of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, whose duty it is to administer the sacrament of extreme unction, could not be reached and Msgr. De Romanis, a high-ranking prelate with the title of Sacristan of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, administered the last rites and gave to the Pope the blessing that is given to the dying. Before 4:00 Prof. Milani arrived, too, but he could do nothing for the dying Pontiff. Pius XI never regained consciousness from the time he had fallen asleep around 3 P.M. the previous day. At 4:00 Radio Vatican gave out the first bulletin reporting that the Pope's temperature was above 104 degrees. The bulletin also acknowledged that his condition was deteriorating rapidly. While the bulletin was being broadcast one of his secretaries was celebrating Mass, and all those present prayed on their knees for the Pope. At 5:31 in the morning, February 10, 1939, Pope Pius XI was pronounced dead by his physicians. In the meantime, all the Italian bishops summoned for the audience on February 11 had arrived in Rome, not for an audience with Pius XI, as they had supposed, but to pray at his bier.» (p. 242-248).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved.

Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 218 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§948).

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