§704 Louis AdolpheThiers, President of the French Republic (1871.8-1873.5): VIII-65.

VIII-65 (§704):

The frustrate old man of the principal hope,
He shall arrive at the chief of his empire.
For twenty months he shall hold the reign with a great power,
Tyrant, cruel in abandoning a worse party.

(Le vieux frustré du principal espoir
Il parviendra au chef de son empire
Vingt mois tiendra le regne a grand pouvoir
Tiran, cruel en delaissant un pire.)

NOTES: The old man: = Adolphe Thiers (April 1797 - September 1877): « There are more than a reason that lead us to see in “ the frustrate old man of the principal hope ” the government we have now [October 1871]. Nostradamus might have been able to indicate it by the expression “ le vieux (the old) ”, because of the age of its highest representative, Mr. Thiers.» (Torné-Chavigny, 1871b, p.184). In fact, Mr. Thiers was aged more than seventy when he was appointed the Chief of the executive power of the French Republic by the National Assembly in Bordeaux on February 17th, 1871; « On the 8th of February [1871] elections were held throughout France, and on the 12th the national assembly was opened at Bordeaux. Thiers was chosen chief of the executive on the 17th, formed his ministry on the 19th, and on the 21st, accompanied by the ministers Favre and Picard, he went to Versailles, commissioned by the national assembly, to begin the peace negociations.» (HH, XIII, p.179).

The frustrate old man: Louis Adolphe Thiers was fundamentally frustrate in his own personality because of his inner contradiction between his old faith of a monarchist and his real conviction of political impossibility of a monarchy in the contemporary accelerative tide of republicanism, which destined him to a partisan of the Conservative Republic. (cf. Muel, 1895, p.364). So he was engaged in the government of the July Monarchy and formed the Opposition against the Secomd Empire, whose sudden fall made him appear on the stage as the Chief of the executive power of the French Republic (He shall arrive at the chief of his empire).

The old man of the principal hope: He was the deputy of nearly universal hope in the assembly of Bordeaux, where he was nominated Chief of the executive power of the French Republic almost unanimously (Muel, id., p.347 ).

For twenty months he shall hold the reign with a great power: « The reign with a great power » marks, apart from that of the executive Chief, the Presidency of the French Republic starting with the title of President of the French Republic with which Adolphe Thiers was invested on August 31st, 1871 (Muel, id., p.357-358). Therefore, his presidency was for 20 months and 25 days (August 31, 1871 – May 24, 1873). « The national assembly, divided into parties which were bitterly opposed to each other, developed a very meagre legislative activity. On one side stood the three monarchistic parties of the legitimists, the Orleanists, and the Bourbons, each of which had its pretender to the throne; on the other the republicans, who were divided into a moderate and an extreme Left. Between them stood a group of parliamentarians, who could be satisfied with either form of government, if only the constitutional system were preserved. It is true that the monarchists held the majority, but in the course of the next few years they lost considerable ground through the supplementary elections, and they were so disunited among themselves that in the most important questions frequently a fraction of the Right voted with the Left, and the majority thus became a minority. The " fusion," i.e. the union of the legitimists and Orleanists into one single party, did not succeed. Thiers preferred the actual republic to any one of the three possible monarchies, and for that very reason the monarchists were very much dissatisfied with him. When, at the re-formation of the ministry on May 18th, 1873, he wholly disregarded the monarchistic majority and recruited his cabinet entirely from the moderate Left, the monarchists moved a vote of censure upon Thiers. This was carried on May 24th, 1873, by a vote of 360 against 344. Thiers and his ministry resigned; whereupon, in the same sitting, MacMahon was elected president of the republic.» (HH, XIII, p.187-188).

Tyrant, cruel in abandoning a worse party: « Meanwhile the advanced republicans were organising their party; they expected to have to fight the monarchical assembly by force. The law against Paris, the law of échéance, caused great indignation. The name of Thiers recalled his struggle against the republic after 1848 and his services as minister under Louis Philippe. All this was too far distant to enable people to judge of the new rô1e he intended to play. The republicans of the ministry, Jules Favre, Picard, and Jules Simon, had, after the siege, lost all influence in Paris. A great many men who inspired confidence, left the assembly. Victor Hugo, whose speech had been shouted down by the populace, and Gambetta had resigned. A severe conflict seemed imminent. Though Thiers wished on the one hand to control the royalists of the assembly, he was determined on the other to deprive of weapons the republicans of the large towns [a worse party]. He made a pretext for doing this by demanding the restitution of the cannon which had been seized. Some of the radical deputies intervened to prevent civil war. They had twice almost succeeded in obtaining the restitution of the cannon, and were making further efforts to do so. Paris, too, seemed gradually calming down, when Thiers decided to employ force. On the 18th of March, at daybreak, the troops, under the orders of General Vinoy, ascended the slopes of Montmartre and took possession of the cannon. But things had been so badly managed that the people were aware of what was happening. The sight of those who had been wounded in the morning enraged the crowd; the troops were surrounded and dispersed: there was not even a struggle. The soldiers no longer obeyed their officers, but mingled with the populace. All Paris was in arms: instantly barricades were raised in every direction. Thiers had for a long time held that when a rebellion is serious it is best to abandon the revolting town [a worse party] and only re-enter it as a conqueror. He commanded a retreat to Versailles. During the night the Hôtel-de-Ville was evacuated by the government. The insurrection had been inaugurated with terrible bloodshed. General Leconte, who in the morning commanded part of the troops at Montmartre, had been detained by the crowd with some other prisoners, and the republican Clément Thomas, who had commanded the national guard in 1848 and during the siege, had been recognised and arrested on the boulevard. These prisoners had been dragged from place to place. At last they were brought to the rue des Rosiers where a committee from Montmartre was sitting. A crowd of infuriated people assailed the house, and in the midst of a scene of wild confusion the two generals, Leconte and Clément Thomas, were pushed against the walls of the garden and riddled with bullets. This slaughter made a bloody stain on the proceedings of the day…History has rarely known a more unpatriotic crime than that of the insurrection of the commune [a worse party]; but the punishment inflicted on the insurgents by the Versailles troops was so ruthless [Tyrant, cruel] that it seemed to be a counter-manifestation of French hatred for Frenchmen in civil disturbance rather than a judicial penalty applied to a heinous offence. The number of Parisians killed by French soldiers in the last week of May, 1871, was probably twenty thousand, though the partisans of the commune declared that thirty-six thousand men and women were shot in the streets or after summary court-martial. It is from this point that the history of the Third Republic commences...» (HH, XIII, p.181-182).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2014. All rights reserved.



Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 218 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§948).

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