§751 The end of 17 reigns of Romanov Dynasty in 1917 and on the 17th (1613-1918): VI-59.

VI-59 (§751):

The lady in fury because of passion for adultery,
Shall come to her prince to pray him to say no,
But soon shall be known the vituperator,
That the dynasty of 17 reigns shall suffer martyrdom in 1917 and on the 17th.

(Dame en fureur par raige d'adultere,
Viendra à son prince conjurer non de dire:
Mais bref cogneu sera le vitupere,
Que seront mis dixsept à martire.)

NOTES: V. Ionescu’s identification of the theme of the quatrain as Russian Revolution of 1917 (Ionescu, 1976, p.427-428) is amazingly smart, but the essential point in question is not the Revolution itself, but the tragic fate of the Romanovs before and in the Revolution, and his explications in detail are hardly sufficient.

The lady: = the Tsaritsa Alexandra (1872-1918). Of 23 usages of the term DAME in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, 17 are for ladies: a queen, a princess or a female, and 6 metaphorically for a state (II-44: France of Napoleon I, II-87: France of Louis XVIII, V-9: France of Napoleon III, VI-19: Spanish government of Popular Front in 1936, VII-18: France subordinate to Prussia in 1870 and X-25: Great Britain). Ionescu’s interpretation of the term ‘lady (dame)’ as ‘the people (le peuple)’ (id., p.427) is not pertinent.

Her prince: = the Tsar Nicholas II (1868-1918).

Adultery: An extraordinary relation between the Tsaritsa Alexandra, a fervent implorer as to her Baby’s haemophilia, and a strange monk Rasputin capable of effecting a temporary cure of it. Ionescu’s interpretation of the term ‘adultery’ as ‘revolution’ (id., p.427) is not pertinent.

The lady in fury because of passion for adultery, Shall come to her prince to pray him to say no [to her critics]: Alexandra in fury because of her passion for communicating with a charismatic monk Rasputin (c.1871-1916), who only can, she believes, treat the Tsarevitch Alexey (1904-1918) for haemophilia, shall resist her critics with the Tsar on her side: « The whole focus and dynamic of the Romanov family had shifted dramatically when, at 1.15 p.m. on Friday [sic] 30 July 1904, Nicholas and Alexandra’s fifth child had been born. At last the family had been ‘visited by the grace of God’, Nicholas wrote in his diary. He had answered his and his wife’s years of fervent prayers and had sent a son as comfort ‘in time of sore trials’, Russia then being in the midst of a disatrous war with Japan... But then, on 8 September, only six weeks after Alexey’s birth, the Romanov family’s world imploded and Alexandra’s delirous joy turned to implacable grief. Her baby started bleeding from the navel. It was the first unmistakable sign of the deadly condition of haemophilia – passed down unwittingly in the female line from Alexandra’s grandmother Queen Victoria to the royal houses of Germany, Spain and Russia. Privately, Nicholas and Alexandra were advised of the truth, but there would be no public annoucements, not ever...» (Rappaport, 2008, p.87-88); « ... for Alexandra, her son’s health had become a daily crusade, a battle for the Tsarevich’s survival and with it that of the dynasty. It changed her irrevocably, opening the door wide to the pernicious influences of every faith-healer, soothsayer, clairvoyant, charlatan, and miracle-worker who came offering a cure. Not the least among them was the ‘holy man’ Rasputin, whose appearance in 1905 and the Tsaritsa’s subsequent dependence on him set the doomed dynasty on its final one-way path to vilification and eventual annihilation. Her escalating desperation, bordering on hysteria, to find a miracle ‘cure’ meant she was perfectly primed to embrace Rasputin’s powers as a bozhii chelovek – a man of God and healer. When Alexey had attacks of bleeding, Rasputin demonstrated an uncanny ability to calm, if not mentally ‘tranquillise’ him through the medium of hypnotism or autosuggestion of some kind, thus slowing down the bleeding by lowering the stress that raises blood pressure. No one could explain Rasputin’s power except the Tsaritsa; she put it all down to God’s intervention, and thus she would defend the man she called ‘Our Friend’ as her son’s last hope to the bitter end, no matter what odium it brought on her and the monarchy. She refused to listen to tales of Rasputin’s lasciviousness, drunkenness and womanising, or accusations about his meddling in political matters, at the risk of alienating her last few friends and closest relatives. As for the Tsar, he capitulated to his wife’s neurotic dependency on the man [passion for adultery (raige d’adultere)] and kept his reservations about Rasputin himself: ‘Better one Rasputin than ten fits of hysterics a day’ had been his weary comment [Shall come to her prince to pray him to say no].» (id., p.91); « When the Tsarevich was well, everything and everybody ‘seemed bathed in sunshine’. Alexey would take centre stage as the adorable, happy boy in a sailor suit – innocent, vibrant and lovable, Russia’s great hope for the future. But the realists in the Imperial entourage, such as the Tsar’s physician Dr Evgeny Botkin, were doubtful that the boy would ever live to become Tsar. They did their best for him, administering regular massage and electrotherapy during the prolonged enforced periods of rest that followed attacks, which left his leg muscles weak and atrophied. But sooner or later they anticipated his premature death. In October 1912 in Bialoveza in Poland, Alexey cheated it by a whisper. Showing off in front of his attendant Derevenko one day by jumping into a sunken bath, he stumbled and hit his groin. The ensuing swelling seemed to go down, but two weeks later when out with his mother for a carriage ride at the family’s hunting lodge at Spala, the jolts of the road caused him to cry out with pain in his back and stomach. A haemorrhage in his upper left thigh had spread, with blood from the injury seeping into his abdomen, the pressure of the swelling on the nerves of his leg causing agonising pain... For 11 days Alexandra refused to leave her son’s bedside, rarely taking time to rest or eat and only occasionally allowing the Tsar to replace her. Nicholas wept for his son, his only way of dealing with the situation being to internalise his grief and carry on hunting. For four days Alexey drifted in and out of delirium; at one lucid moment emtreating his mother in a whisper, ‘when I am dead build me a little monument of stones in the wood’. A priest administered the last rites and the whole of the Imperial entougage at Spala held their breath. As a last desperate act Alexandra begged Anna Vyrubova to send a telegram to Rasputin in Siberia. The message came back that the doctors should not attempt to intervene; ‘the little one will not die’. Within an hour the crisis was over and the haemorrhaging stopped. The combined medical specialists of Russia were baffled: they could find no explanation for this spontaneous recovery. So severe had been the attack that Alexey, now painfully thin and pale, was kept in bed for a month. He was not able to walk again properly for a year and had to have a metal brace fitted to his leg to prevent him becoming permanently lame. For Alexandra, Spala was final vindication of her faith in Rasputin, the absolute, incontrovertible proof she needed to silence his critics. She would not tolerate a word said against him thereafter – by anybody, including her own sister, Ella, whose words of warning about Rasputin’s destructive influence prompted Alexandra to turn her back on her forever.» (id., p.92-93). Ionescu’s interpretation of the phrase ‘non de dire ’ as ‘to abdicate’ (id., p.427) is not pertinent.

Le vitupere
: = Le vitupereur (the vituperator) = the communists opposing the monarchy. Ionescu’s interpretation of the term ‘le vitupere’ as ‘who are worthy of being blamed’ (id., p.428) is utterly upside-down.

But soon shall be known the vituperator
: The scandal of Rasputin having been liquidated by his murder by the aristocrats in December, 1916, there will appear the real Opposer of the monarchy in March, 1917: « The Russian Revolutions (March and November) Prefigured by an earlier revolt in 1905, the Russian Revolution had about it a certain inevitability. Tsarist rule was autocratic, and the social system aristocratic, sychophantic and inflexible. Tsar Nicholas II was weak, and his German wife, the Tsarina Alexandra, was a fervent supporter of autocracy and was under the baleful influence of the charismatic monk Rasputin until he was murdered by aristocrats in December 1916. The war had not been going well for Russia; the high command was inefficient and junior officers often brutal to their men, while a vast swathe of territory had been lost, and each year had taken a terrible toll in casualties. In common with much of Europe, the winter of 1916-17 was severe enough to curtail food supplies. These had already been shrinking because of labour shortages caused by conscription and by wartime transport problems. Food shortages, compounded by rising prices, led to strikes. The peasants, hungry and angry, wanted land. The urban population, restive because of falling real wages, demanded bread. By using the slogan ‘Peace, Land, Bread’, Bolshevik agitators were able to maximize their support from soldiers, urban workers and peasants. In the cold, short, dark days of early 1917, desperation was growing among Russians. In Petrograd (St Petersburg) bread riots, in which soldiers of the garrison joined, turned into revolution on 8 March. This challenge became a crisis when Cossaks refused to shoot at rioters. Four days later the Soviet (Council of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies) was set up, which regarded itself as independent of the liberal opposition. The Soviet quietly planned to undermine the army and seize power. The Tsar, trying to return to Petrograd from his military headquarters, was stopped and turned back. On 15 March the liberals convinced the generals that the Tsar no longer had the support of the army and forced him to abdicate.» (Chasseaud, 2013, p.218-219). Ionescu’s interpretation of the term ‘soon (bref)’as ‘in October’ (id., p.427) is not pertinent.

That 17 reigns of Romanov Dynasty shall suffer martyrdom in 1917 and on 17 July, 1918

(dixsept): The term ‘seventeen’ has a triple meaning: (1) the seventeen reigns of Romanov Dynasty, (2) the year 1917 of Nicholas II’s abdication without successor, and (3) the day of 17th of July, 1918 when the Romanov family were executed.

(1) The 17 reigns of the dynasty of Romanov (1613-1917): Michael Romanov (1613-45), 2° Alexey (1645-76), 3° Theodore (1676-82), 4° joint reign of John V (1682-89) and Peter I (1682-1725), 5° Catherine I (1725-27), 6° Peter II (1727-30), 7° Anna Ivanovnav (1730-1740), 8° John VI (1740-41), 9° Elisabeth (1741-62), 10° Peter III (1762/1/5-7/17), 11° Catherine the Great (1762/7/17-96), 12° Paul I (1796-1801), 13° Alexander I (1801-25), 14° Nicholas I (1825-55), 15° Alexander II (1855-81), 16° Alexander III (1881-94), 17° Nicholas II (1894-1917); « Alexey’s slow recovery after the attack at Spala meant that during the crucial Romanov publicity campaign for the tercentenary in 1913 he had to be carried in public ceremonials, prompting people to ask themselves whether the future of Russia was to be in the hands of ‘a cripple’...» (Rappaport, 2008, p.94).

(2) The abdication of the last Tsar Nicholas II: « It is evident that the number 17 was placed here in allusion to the year 1917, the year of the Revolution, where the Russian people were martyred.» (Ionescu, 1976, p.428) [N.B. It is not the Russian people, but the Romanovs that were martyred by them.]; « Although singularly unsuited for high military office, Nicholas assumed Supreme Command of the Russian Armies in September 1915 and it was at his headquarters at Pskov that he was forced to abdicate, March 15th, 1917.» (Palmer, p.202); « 1917, March 15 (midnight) End of the dynasty of the Romanovs. Upon the demand of the delegates of the Provisional Government, the Tsar Nicholas II signs his abdication at Pskov (south-west of Leningrad). His brother, the Archduke Michael refuses the throne.» (Jouette, p.223).

(3) The execution of the Romanov family: « He [Nicholas II] was kept in seclusion in various parts of Russia until July 16th, 1918, when he was murdered, along with his family, at Ekaterinburg (now Sverdlovsk) on the orders of a local Bolshevik commander who feared that the royal family would be rescued by counter-revolutionary troops.» (Palmer, p.202); « 1918 Jul: 16th, execution of ex-Tsar Nicholas II and family on orders of Ural Regional Council.» (Williams, 1968, p.470); « 1918, July 16-17 (the night of) The White Army of Admiral Kolchak approaching Ekaterinburg, Yurovsky and his Bolshevik Latvians, charged with guarding the Romanov family, kill the Tsar Nicholas II, the Tsarina Alexandra, their son Alexey and their four daughters Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia, as well as the persons of their suite (Dr Botkin, maid Demidova, cook Kharitonov, footman Trupp) in the basement of the Ipatiev House [a house in the centre of Ekaterinburg belonging to a retired engineer named Nikolay Ipatiev requisitioned by the local soviet as the Romanovs’ new place of detention].» (Jouette, p.229); « Thursday 4 July 1918. And so, on Thursday 4 July, a new commandant arrived. His name was Yakov Yurovsky, and brought with him an assistant, an attractive young man called Grigory Nikulin, who in Alexandra’s estimation seemed ‘decent’ in comparison to his vulgar predecessor Moshkin. Little did she know that the bland-looking Nikulin was a ruthless killer... » (Rappaport, 2008, p.30); « Friday 12 July 1918. Yurovsky was now formally entrusted with the final preparations for the execution, codenamed, improbably, trubochist – ‘chimney sweep’. All he had to do now, as Goloshchekin [a member of the presidium of the Ural Regional Soviet and the newly appointed regional commissar for war] assured him, was wait for the signal from Moscow.» (Rappaport, 2008, p.143); « Tuesday 16 July 1918. A coded telegram was therefore sent by Goloshchekin and Safarov [a member of the URS’s presidium] at around six that evening, addressed to Lenin in Moscow. All was ready; they were now awaiting the final signal that operation trubochist could go ahead... Inside the house Yurovsky was finalising arrangements for execution. All now depended on the truck; earlier that afternoon, he had ordered his chauffeur Lyukhanov to put in an order with the Ekaterinburg Military Garage for a truck to take the bodies away, bringing with it rolls of canvas to wrap them in. The intention was to have it parked as close to the basement entrance as possible, within the double palisade, with its engine running to mask the noise of gunshots. If the engine backfired then so much the better. As the regular change of guard came at 10 p.m. and new men arrived, the Romanovs sat upsatirs reading and playing cards. Nicholas and Alexandra were enjoying a final game of bezique as the men who were to be their executioners gathered in the basement rooms downstairs... The open-topped Fiat truck finally rattled off across the silent streets of the city. Operation trubochist was at last swinging into action. Commandant Yurovsky got up from his chair, went out on to the landing and rang the bell at the double doors of the Romanovs’ sitting room. It was 1.30 in the morning of 17 July 1918. The Ipatiev House was now about to fulfil the ‘Special Purpose’ for which it had been summarily requisitioned only three monts ago.» (Rappaport, 2008, p.178-183); « Wendesday 17 July 1918. It was about 2.15 a.m. when Yurovsky and Nikulin, accompanied by two of the internal guard with rifles, led the family in the semi-darkness down the steep, narrow stairs to the ground floor. Instinctively the Romanovs followed the order of precedence inculcated in them, the Tsar in front but refusing all assistance as he struggled with the burden of Alexey, who winced with pain from his bandaged leg; then Alexandra, using a stick and leaning heavily on Olga’s arm, followed by the three other girls. They all then exited the house by the door leading out into the small courtyard, re-entering by another, adjacent door leading down into the basement. Twenty-three steps – one for every year of Nicholas’s disastrous reign –now led him and his famliy to their collective fate. When everything was ready, Yurovsky ordered the Fiat truck across the road to be brought round to the house. The truck arrived, with the Ipatiev House’s ‘official driver’ Lyukhanov at the wheel. He gingerly backed the clumsy vehicle into the courtyard between the palisades, grinding its gears in the process, in order to ensure it could better pull away up the incline out of the house when fully loaded. As they watched, some of the guards might reasonably have wondered whether such a ramshackle vehicle was sturdy enough to carry 11 bodies and their escort out to the night-bound Koptyaki Forest. With the truck now outside and gunning its engine, and the killers gathering behind him outside the door, Yurovsky prepared to re-enter the storeroom. All was silent, except for the roar of the Fiat’s engine rattling the window panes. Yurovsky opened the double doors and entered. ‘Well here we all are’, said Nicholas, stepping forward to face Yurovsky, thinking that the truck they could hear revving outside had now arrived to take them to safety ‘What are you going to do now?’ His right hand clutching sweatily at the Colt in his trouser pocket, his left holding a piece of paper, Yurovsky asked the family to stand. Alexey, of course, could not and stayed where he was, as the Tsaritsa, muttering her complaints, struggled to her feet. Suddenly the room seemed to shrink in on him as Yurovsky stepped forward, brandishing his sheet of paper. It had been drafted by the presidium of the Ural Regional Soviet and given to him by Goloshchekin that day. Here, at last, was the commandant’s personal moment in history. Yurovsky had rehearsed his statement many times and raised his voice in order to be heard more clearly. ‘In view of the fact that your relatives in Europe continue their assault on Soviet Russia,’ he began portentously, gazing straight at Nicholas, ‘the presidium of the Ural Regional Soviet has sentenced you to be shot ...’ The Tsar registered blank incomprehension; turning his back to Yurovsky to face his family, he managed an incredulous stutter – ‘What? What?’ – as those around him were rooted to the spot in absolute terror. ‘So you’re not taking us anywhere?’ ventured Botkin, unable also to comprehend what had just been said. ‘I don’t understand. Read it again ...’ the Tsar interrupted, his face white with horror. Yurovsky picked up where he had left off: ‘... in view of the fact that the Czechoslovaks are threatening the red capital of the Urals – Ekaterinburg – and in view of the fact that the crowned executioner might escape the people’s court, the presidium of the Regional Soviet, fulfilling the will of the Revolution, has decreed that the former Tsar Nicholas Romanov, guilty of countless bloody crimes against the people, should be shot ...’  Instinctively, the Tsaritsa and Olga crossed themselves; a few incoherent words of shock or protest heard from the rest. Yurovsky, having finished reading the decree, pulled out his Colt, stepped forward and shot the Tsar at the point-blank range in the chest... » (Rappaport, 2008, p.185-189).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved. 


Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 218 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§948).

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