§765 The Great Terror of Stalin (1924-1938): III-59.

III-59 (§765):

The barbarous empire usurped by the third estate,
Which shall put to death the greatest part of its blood:
By the aged death by him a quarter stricken,
For fear that the blood should not be dead by the blood.

(Barbare empire par le tiers usurpé
La plus grand part de son sang metra à mort:
Par mort senile par luy le quart frapé,
Pour peur que sang par le sang ne soit mort.)

NOTES: Barbarous empire: = the Imperial Russia = « une autre [loy] beaucoup plus seductive (another much more seductive law » (§763, III-95).

Le tiers
: = « The third estate; the proletariat.» (Ionescu, 1976, p.470-471).

The barbarous empire usurped by the third estate: The Russian Revolution of October by the Bolsheviki. 

Mort senile
: The aged death of Nikolai Lenin aged fifty-four in 1924, the term ‘aged’ indicating the two things: 1° Lenin really aged compared with his real successor Joseph Stalin aged forty-five in 1924 (cf. §764, III-60: a young king); 2° Lenin in incapacitation in his last days: « Certainly, Lenin never showed the slightest regrets about his lifework, though in the last two-and-a-half years of his existence he was a sick, angry, frustrated and ultimately impotent creature. It is argued that, towards the end, he recognized Stalin as the emergent monster he undoubtedly was, and sought desperately to build up Trotsky’s influence as a countervailing force. There is however one suggestive and sinister element. As part of his dehumanizing process, Lenin had insisted from the beginning of his rule that the party organs take an interest in the health of senior party men, and issue them (on medical advice) with orders about leave, hospitalization and rest. In mid-1921 Lenin began to experience severe headaches. On 4 June the Orgburo ordered him to take leave; he disobeyed it. He took a month’s leave in July, and began to work less thereafter; there were further orders, from the Politburo, in August. He resumed normal work on 13 September for nearly three months, but in early December his health got worse and he spent more time at his country house at Gorky outside Moscow. In the early weeks of 1922 there were more orders to do little or no work, and he was supposed to visit Moscow only with the permission of the Party Secretariat. His impress was on the tenth Party Congress throughout but ostensibly he only chaired a few committees. He had just left Moscow for a further rest when he had his first stroke on 25 May 1922. He was then completely out of action for months, and when he returned to work on 2 October, the Secretariat, in the name of the Central Committee, enforced a strict regime and prevented him from getting access to papers. There is no doubt at all that Stalin was the most active agent of this medical restriction, and on 18 December he had himself formally appointed supervisor of Lenin’s health. This led directly to the Lenin-Stalin breach... On 4 January 1923 Lenin dictated a postscript to his ‘testament’: ‘Stalin is too rude... intolerable in a Secretary-General’. I therefore propose to our comrades to consider a means of removing Stalin from this post’. On the night of 5 March Lenin wrote to Stalin, rebuking him for abusing his wife on the phone and telling him to apologize or face ‘the rupture of relations between us’. Four days later came the second, debilitating stroke which robbed Lenin of speech, movement and mind. A final stroke killed him in January 1924 but by then he had long since ceased to count.» (Johnson, 1991, p.86-88). 

(luy): = Stalin, Lenin’s successor = a young king (§764, III-60).

Which shall put to death the greatest part of its blood By the aged death by him a quarter stricken For fear that the blood should not be dead by the blood
: Under the Bolshevik Regime after Lenin’s death, his successor Stalin shall be led to the Policy of Great Terror for fear that his terror should not be annihilated by eventual counter-terrors: « The decision to collectivize by force was taken suddenly, without any kind of public debate, in the last weeks of 1929. It was typical of the way in which the pursuit of Utopia leads the tiny handful of men in power abruptly to assault a society many centuries in the making, to treat men like ants and stamp on their nest. Without warning, Stalin called for an ‘all-out offensive against the kulak... We must smash the kulaks, eliminate them as a class... We must strike at the kulaks so hard as to prevent them from rising to their feet again... We must break down the resistance of that class in open battle.’ On 27 December1929, the Feast of the St John the Apostle, he declared war with the slogan ‘Liquidate the kulaks as a class!’ It was the green light for a policy of extermination, more than three years before Hitler came to power, twelve years before the ordering of the ‘Final Solution’. Collectivization was a calamity such as no peasantry had known since the Thirty Years’ War in Germany... The result was what the great Marxist scholar Leszek Kolakowski has called ‘probably the most massive warlike operation ever conducted by a state against its own citizens’. The number of peasants actually shot by the regime is not yet known and may not be discoverable even when, and if, scholars ever get at the Soviet archives. Churchill said that, in Moscow in 1942, Stalin told him coolly that ‘ten millions’ of peasants had been ‘dealt with’. According to one scholarly estimate, in addition to those peasants executed by the
OGPU or killed in battle, between 10 and 11 million were transported to north European Russia, to Siberia and Central Asia; of these one-third went into concentration camps, a third into internal exile and a third were executed or died in transit [Which shall put to death the greatest part of its blood, by him a quarter stricken].» (Johnson, id., p.270-271);

« Hitler learnt from Lenin and Stalin how to set up a large-scale terror regime. But he had much to teach too. The regime he set up in January 1933 had one major anomaly: the
SA [storm trooper]. Hitler did not fully control it, and Roehm [its creator] had visions which did not fit into Hitler’s plan. The SA, already very large before the take-over, expanded rapidly after it. By the autumn of 1933 it had a million active, paid members, and reserves of 3.5 million more. Roehm’s object was to make the SA the future German army, which would overthrow the Versailles settlement and secure Germany’s expansionist aims. The old army, with its professional officer class, would be a mere training organization for a radical, revolutionary army which he himself would take on a voyage of conquest. Hitler was determined to reject this Napoleonic scheme. He had a high opinion of the regular army and believed it would put through rearmament quickly and with sufficient secrecy to carry the country through the period of acute danger when the French and their allies were still in a position to invade Germany and destroy his regime. Even more important, he had not the slightest intention of sharing power with Roehm, let alone surrendering it to him. From March 1933, when he began to assist the rise of Himmler, he had a secret phone-link to him, it is clear that Hitler had a gigantic crime in mind to resolve the dilemma which Roehm’s SA presented to him. By spring 1934 the aged Hindenburg was clearly nearing the end. Hitler wished to succeed him, uniting presidency and chancellorship in one. The army and navy commanders agreed that he should do this, provided he emasculated the SA and destroyed its pretensions, and it is typical of the naïvety they always showed in negotiating with Hitler that they gave him something vital in return for a ‘concession’ which he needed to make anyway, and in which army co-operation was essential. Hitler went ahead with his purge, an act of pure gangsterism, as soon as Himmler had achieved monopoly of the political police. He determined to murder all his immediate political enemies at once, so that the ‘evidence’ of conspiracy, manufactured by Heydrich’s intelligence bureau, produced unlikely conjunctions worthy of a Stalin show-trial. Himmler and Heydrich prepared the final list, Hitler simply underlining in pencil those to be shot; Heydrich signed the warrants, which read simply: ‘By order of the Führer and Reich Chancellor – is condemned to death by shooting for high treason’... Early on 30 June 1934 Hitler himself shook Roehm awake at the sanatorium of the Tegernsee, and then retired to the Munich Brownhouse. The Barvarian Justice Minister was not prepared to order mass shooting on the basis of a mere typed list, and Roehm and his associates were not actually murdered until 2 July, the political police carrying it out... a law was passed on 3 July, authorizing the deeds ex post facto. Not the least significant aspect of this turning point was the presentation, to the SS [Schutzstaffel] men who had carried out the murders, of daggers of honour. The SS was thus launched upon its monstrous career of legalized killing. The Roehm affair, with the state openly engaged in mass murder, with the connivance of its old military élite and the endorsement of the electorate, directly foreshadowed the extermination programs to come.» (Johnson, id., p.296-299);

« It was the sheer audacity of the Roehm purge, and the way in which Hitler got away with it, which encouraged Stalin to consolidate his personal dictatorship by similar means. Hitherto, the party élite had permitted him [Stalin] to murder only ordinary Russians. Even to expel a senior party member required elaborate preparations. In 1930, Stalin had been openly criticized by Syrtsov, a Politburo candidate, and Lominadze, a Central Committee member. He had wanted both of them shot but the most he managed was their expulsion from the
CC. Two years later he had called for the shooting of Ryutin, who had circulated privately a two-hundred-page document criticizing his dictatorship. Sergei Kirov, who had succeeded Zinoviev as boss of Leningrad, had insisted that Ryutin be spared and sent to an ‘isolator’, or special prison for top party men. By summer 1934, Kirov’s influence was still growing, and he appeared to be the man most likely to succeed Stalin – or oust him. The success of the Roehm purge inspired Stalin to do away with internal party restraints once and for all, and in the most ingenious manner: by having Kirov murdered, and using the crime as an excuse to strike at all his other enemies. Kirov was shot in mysterious circumstances on 1 December 1934, in the middle of the Smolny Institute, the former girls’ school from which Lenin had launched his putsch and which had remained party HQ in Leningrad ever since. It was a heavily guarded place and it was never explained how the assassin, Leonid Nikolaev, got through the security cordon. What is even more suspicious is that, a few days before, Kirov’s bodyguard had been removed on the orders of Yagoda, the NKVD head. In 1956 and again in 1961 Khrushtchev hinted strongly that Stalin was responsible, and the circumstantial evidence seems overwhelming... From the end of 1936 to the second half of 1938, Stalin struck at every group in the regime. In 1937 alone he killed 3,000 senior secret police officers and 90 per cent of the public prosecutors in the provinces. Stalin’s first military victim was a cavalry general, Dmitry Shmidt. [Marshal] Tukhashevsky and seven other senior generals followed on 11 June 1937, and thereafter 30,000 officers, about half the total, including 80 per cent of colonels and generals. The purge of the party itself was the most prolonged and severe. In Leningrad, only two out of its 150 delegates to the seventeenth Party Congress were allowed to live. The losses in the Moscow party were as great. About one million party members were killed in all.» (Johnson, id., p.299-301);

« An
NKVD man who had been in Stalin’s bodyguard testified that Yezhov came to Stalin almost daily in the years 1937-9, with a thick file of papers; Stalin would give orders for arrests, the use of torture, and sentences (the last before the trial). Stalin carried out some interrogations himself. He annotated documents ‘arrest’; ‘arrest everyone’; ‘no need to check: arrest them’, Stalin’s signature is appended to over 400 lists from 1937 to 1939, bearing the names of 44,000 people, senior party leaders, officials of the government, officers and cultural figures. During these years something like 10 per cent of Russia’s vast population passed through Stalin’s penitential machinery. Famous Tsarist prisons, such as the Lefortovskaia, which had been turned into museums and peopled with waxwork figures, were put into service again, the wax replaced by flesh and blood. Churches, hotels, even bathhouses and stables were turned into gaols; and dozens of new ones built. Within these establishments, torture was used on a scale which even the Nazis were later to find it difficult to match. According to Medvedev [Roy, the independent Soviet Marxist historian], NKVD recruits, aged eighteen, ‘were taken to torture-chambers, like medical students to laboratories to watch dissections’. In these circumstances, the death-rate was almost beyond the imagining of civilized men. Medvedev puts the figure of the great terror victims summarily about at 4-500,000. He thinks the total number of victims in the years 1936-9 was about 4.5 million. Men and women died in the camps at the rate of about a million a year during this and later periods, and the total of deaths caused by Stalin’s policy was in the region of 10 million.» (Johnson, id., p.302-305).

« The victims of the Stalinism: In the Stalinist Russia, the detentions in the concentration camps and the deportations were so massive that they concern about one citizen per eight [12.5%]. It adds to these 15 million interned Soviet people about 1,500,000 kulaks and 3 million persons belonging to the deported during the World War II. Several hundred thousand people were dead at the time of the Great Terror (1937-1938), and nearly two millions in their deportation to the concentration camps. Moreover, the number of the Ukrainian victims of the programmed famine of the years 1932-1933 is estimated to be nearly five millions. [by him a quarter stricken]» (
Trémolières IV, p.57).

The interpretation of the quatrain by Ionescu (1976, p.469-470), though correct as to its general theme: the Great Purge, does not succeed in explaining all the points in detail, losing himself in his alleged anagrams.
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved.

Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 219 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§949).

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