§785 General Franco escaped from the Canary Islands to Tetuan to prevail in Spain (1936-1975): III-54.

III-54 (§785):

The one of the greatest shall escape to Spain,
That shall later come to bleed with a long wound.
Passing troops beyond the high mountains
Devastating all and next shall reign in peace.

(L'un des plus grands fuira aux Hespaignes,
Qu'en longue plaie apres viendra saigner.
Passant copies par les hautes montaignes,
Devastant tout & puis en paix regner.)

NOTES: The one of the greatest shall escape to Spain: « Franco Faces the Revolution ON THAT SUNDAY AFTERNOON OF FEBRUARY 16, 1936, THE mobs, faithful to the watchword of the revolution, poured out into the streets. Completely ignoring the true results of the elections, they proclaimed themselves the victors. They had been thus instructed. Three hours after the end of the balloting, they were to give themselves up to jubilant and frenzied demonstrations, demanding complete power, the liberation of the prisoners of October, 1934, and the heads of certain politicians. The night augured serious street fighting... The Popular Front thus assumed power. The decree sending General Coded and General Franco away from Madrid was not delayed. One was sent as the Commander-General of the Balearics, and the other to the Canary Islands. Azaña repeated anew that by sending them away to distant posts he was removing them from temptation. Before departing to his destiny, General Franco called on Alcalá Zamora and Azaña. His interview with the former was of long duration. Franco pointed out the dangers threatening Spain, and the lack of equipment with which to oppose the victorious revolution. Alcalá Zamora smiled between blindness and simplicity. "The revolution,” he said, "was crushed in Asturias.” "Remember, Mr. President,” answered Franco, "what it cost to suppress it in Asturias. If the assault is repeated throughout the entire nation, it will be very difficult to suppress it, because the army does not have the necessary equipment, and because generals determined that it shall not be suppressed have been reinstated in command. Gold braid means nothing when he who displays it has no authority, prestige, or competence, the indispensable foundations of discipline,” Alcalá Zamora minimized all this, refusing to comprehend that language of loyalty and honour. He gesticulated incredulously. He shook his head from side to side. The general arose. The President of the Republic gave him leave. “Don’t worry General. Don’t worry. In Spain there will be no Communism.” “One thing that I am sure of,” answered Franco, “and which I can answer truthfully, is that whatever the contingencies that may arise here, wherever I am there will be no Communism.” His interview with Azaña was shorter and more brusque. In those days the Premier spent his time pacifying the people with the promise of a moderate and semi-bourgeois revolution. Franco’s predictions were received with a self-satisfied and sardonic smile. “ You are making a mistake in sending me away,” the general pointed out regretfully, “because I could be of more service to the army and to the peace of the country by remaining in Madrid.” Azaña answered, “I have no fear of insurrections. I knew all about Sanjurjo’s, and I could have prevented it, but I preferred to see it end in disaster.” He himself was the revolution, and he cared little for the advice of generals. Franco, neither with the idea of conspiracy nor because of hostility towards the régime, but having in mind Spain alone, and the dangers confronting her, decided to hold several interviews which he considered necessary. He held one with General Mola and General Varela, to whom he entrusted the task of maintaining permanent connections with the generals of those divisions which deserved full confidence and with those military elements of the highest responsibility whom, by reason of their positions of command, it would be expedient to keep enlightened on the march of events, so as to be prepared for any emergency which might arise. He named a person in whom he had full confidence to maintain through him the contacts which he considered indispensable, from his post in the Canary-Islands. From the Canary Islands General Franco witnessed the drama unfolding itself in Spain. Every day the chaos was more profound, and the havoc greater. When the elections were repeated in Cuenca, the conservative parties again offered him a place on their lists, but Franco declined it publicly. Political passions were fanned to a white heat, and he believed that nothing noble or effective could be expected from the existing parliament. Nor did he believe in the genuineness of the voting. “When the funds of the workers’ organizations,” he said, “are devoted to political bribery, the purchase of arms and munitions, and the hiring of gunmen and assassins, democracy, as represented by universal suffrage, has ceased to exist.” Early in July he received news regarding the march of conspiracy, and the information that he, as the general most qualified, had been chosen for the command of the troops in Africa. He was also consulted upon the policy to be followed in several other places, especially in the Spanish capital.» (Joaquín Arrarás, 1938, p.164-174).

« From Tenerife to Tetuán SHORTLY AFTER HIS ARRIVAL AT SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE, Franco realized that he was a prisoner of the Popular Front. The political satraps who had decreed his removal from Spain had done so with another Elba in mind. But this was an Isle of Elba on which paid assassins hovered and spied on the exile as government agents. He was watched day and night, his mail was censored, his telephone messages were intercepted, and he was surrounded by a veritable ring of spies organized by the hostile authorities on the island. Hostile pens and voices assailed the general. The municipal government of Realejo Alto directed all the municipalities of the province to ask the government to dismiss Franco as a dangerous element. A friend warned the general, “There are plans on foot to take your life.” “Two years ago,” he answered, “Moscow sentenced me to death.” On the night of July 13 occurred the last criminal attempt to take his life. The assassins attempted to scale the walls of the garden and from there reach the central pavilion, where Franco's sleeping quarters were located. The assailants were three. When they were climbing the wall, one of the sentinels in the garden challenged them, and as they made no response he fired on them and put them to flight. The guard stationed outside also fired, but the malefactors escaped. The civil authorities of the island hastened to the commandancy to find out what had happened. The wife and daughter of the general were also guarded by a special guard, for their lives, too, were threatened. On July 14, the diplomat José Antonio de Sangróniz arrived at Santa Cruz de Tenerife to inform the general, with whom it was so difficult to communicate, of the latest news about the movement, and to set the date for its inauguration. The aeroplane which was to carry Franco to Tetuán was to arrive at Las Palmas on the following day. “Now we must plan the escape [The one of the greatest shall escape to Spain]," said the general. “I have announced, with the authorization of the ministry, an inspection tour of the islands of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote. It will be the pretext.” On the following night the general carried on long conversations with his friends concerning future developments. He had just ciphered some letters with the aid of a little book which he always had with him. “The time is ripe’ exclaimed the general, “and we cannot delay much longer, because the advances of anarchy have been considerable, and very soon they will have forestalled the possibilities of a popular reaction which still pulsates in Spain.” On the morning of the 16th, the telegraph wires carried sad and unexpected news to Tenerife. General Amado Balmes, military commander of Las Palmas, had been killed by the bullet of a revolver which he was trying out in the target field of that city. He was the first victim of the movement, for the general had for many days been experimenting with firearms, “so that when the moment arrived the youths would be provided with a useful weapon and not something useless.” Balmes was in close touch with Franco. He knew what was being planned in all its details, he was in full agreement, and was to be substitute general commandant. Franco, saddened by the news, called the War Ministry to tell them that he planned to go to Las Palmas to attend the burial. On asking for this permission, the general turned to those who were around him, and said, “Probably they will take advantage of this occasion to dismiss me.” But that was not the case. The sub-secretary of war, in the name of the minister, authorized him to make the trip, and at twelve-thirty o’clock that night General Franco, with his wife and daughter, embarked on the inter-insular ship Viera y Clavijo. His adjutants accompanied him, four officers as guards, two infantrymen and two artillerymen, and the fiscal judge, Martínez Fusset. After attending the funeral of General Balmes, at noon on the 17th, Franco spent all his time receiving calls at his hotel, where he virtually incarcerated himself. At three o’clock in the morning the adjutants and guarding officers were awakened abruptly by the fiscal judge Martínez Fusset, who brought sensational news. “The troops in Africa have rebelled,” he said; “we must take extreme precautions.” All put on their clothing without delay and went out into the hallway, where Franco soon appeared, for he already knew what was happening, having been informed at two-fifteen by the commandant at Tenerife. Franco drew up a manifesto and dictated the first orders as the “Rebel” leader to assure the triumph of the movement in the Canaries. He remained in the commandancy until eleven o’clock when he went out to find an aeroplane that awaited him, where again there were farewells and applause for the leader. The general repeated his watchword, “Blind faith in victory!” An automobile carried him to the pier where he was awaited by the tugboat which was to take him to the aerodrome at Gaudo. There was a moment of delay, while Franco said good-bye to his wife and daughter. “Tell them,” he told one of his officers, “that I have gone to make an inspection and that I will see them soon.” The motors began to roar. The general bade farewell, one by one, to those who surrounded him. Their eyes gleamed with hope, and they were pale with emotion. The general, serene, repeated his counsels. With him embarked the military aviator Villalobos and his adjutant Franco Salgado. The aeroplane sped down the runway and was soon in the air. It disappeared in the distant blue of the sky. It was exactly two-ten p.m., July 18, 1936, a moment memorable in Spanish history. After a short stop in Agadir, the plane continued on to Casablanca, where it landed at nine-thirty p.m. From the aerodrome the travellers went to a small hotel in the vicinity, where, after eating, they engaged in a conversation which was carried on almost entirely by General Franco, who discussed the subject which was nearest to his heart, abounding with hope, Spain and Its future. During those hours of the night and early morning, meaningful hours for the future of Spain, he gave every promise of desiring good government. It was three o’clock in the morning and Franco gave no thought to sleep. At four o’clock in the morning they left for the aerodrome, and a half-hour later they were again in the air. Sunrise found them over the Beni-Arós mountains, brightened by blending rose-coloured and golden hues. Franco recognized by name the roughest parts of the mountains, the steep cliffs, and the crests. The sky was radiant. At seven o’clock that morning Tetuán loomed in the distance, dazzling in the rays of the sun, Tetuán! The aerodrome was swarming with people. The plane circled low and Franco recognized friends. Finally they landed. The motor still roared, and there was cheering and applause. Franco emerged smiling, Lieutenant-Colonel Yagüe was at the side of the plane. Legionnaires rendered homage. At the offices of the High Commissary there gathered the leaders and officers of the Regular Army, of the Legion, and of the mejalas, the men who soon were to stir Spain with their valour, heroes who wept on hearing Franco’s voice, a voice that already appeared to have been silenced by exile, to be forgotten forever. It was the voice of Spain; a voice from her heart and steeped in the nation’s past. "We were coming to a point,” said Franco, ""when we were ashamed of being Spaniards and of wearing our uniforms, which represented our honour, our pride, and our spiritual patrimony! Now we are on our way. Each one to his post, to fulfil his duty. For Spain everything we may do will seem very little. The offering of our lives for its cause is a glorious deed if the nation will have reconquered its soul and its glory, and will have come to see itself face to face again.” The officers listened with stout hearts, their muscles quivering, and tears in their eyes. Their emotion finally burst forth in cheering and applause. From there, the general went to address the Banners of the Legion formed in Dar Rifien. Just as he was leaving, an officer notified him, “My general, some suspicious ships are cruising in the vicinity of Ceuta and they do not answer to the signals which are made to them.” “Have them repeated,” Franco ordered, “and if they do not answer, fire on them.” During the night the voice of Franco, a victorious voice, reached Spain from end to end through the miracle of radio: “On taking over the command of this glorious and patriotic army here in Tetuán, I send to the loyal garrisons and their country the most enthusiastic greetings. Spain has been saved. You may pride yourselves on being Spaniards. “Have blind faith. Never doubt. Gather energy, without pausing, for the nation demands it. The movement is marching on. There is no human force which will stop it. I greet you with a strong and hearty embrace. Long live Spain!” Franco then prepared to spend his third sleepless night devoted to hard work. When the first news of the military uprising in Morocco reached Madrid, Azaña, President of the Republic, felt the same uneasiness that he had experienced on that morning of August 10, 1932, the occasion of General Sanjurjo’s insurrection. Just as he had then called upon the governor of Coruña, now he asked insistently, “What is Franco doing?” In his desire to calm the nerves of the president, Casares Quiroga answered, “He is well guarded on the Canary Islands.”» (Joaquín Arrarás, id., p.185-196).

Under ordinary circumstances, the phrase « The one of the greatest shall escape to Spain » means “the flight from abroad to Spain” and cannot mean “from in Spain to Spain”, namely “from the Spanish Canary Islands to the Spanish Morocco”. However, the particular situation in which General Franco was a kind of political prisoner in the Canary Islands permits the phrase to be applied to him in July 1936 as E. Cheetham explains well: « In 1936 General Franco was exiled from Spain to the Canary Islands as military governor. He then flew (fuira) to Morocco and back to Spain to start the rebellion that led to the Spanish Civil War.» (Cheetham, 1973, p.143)

Qu’: = Qui (Who, that), whose antecedent is Spain. The nominative relative pronoun “qui” is replaced frequently by “que” in the Prophecies of Nostradamus according to the exceptional usages of the
XVIth century: « As regards the relative pronoun, the most noteworthy feature is the use of que for qui in the nominative, first as a singular, and later as a plural pronoun as well.» (Rickard, p.70). Cf. ung monarque qu'en paix & vie ne sera longuement (§490, I-4), Celui qu'aura la charge de destruire temples & sectes (§261, I-96), Le chef qu'aura conduit peuple infini (§428, I-98) and L'arbre qu'avoit par long temps mort seché (§603, III-91) and also I-99, II-10, III-94, V-38, VI-15, VI-19, VIII-28, VIII-88, IX-29, X-10 and X-22.

That shall later come to bleed with a long wound... Devastating all: « Spanish Civil War, 1936-9; The Civil War began by a revolt of military commanders in Spanish Morocco on July 18th, 1936. The Government remained in control of Madrid, Barcelona, Bilbao and Valencia; Cadiz, Saragossa, Seville and Burgos declared for the insurgent nationalists. Spain became an ideological battleground for fascists and socialists from all countries... Some three-quarters of a million lives were lost in the course of the Civil War.» (Palmer, p.262-263); « ... the French Revolution to enter and thus crucified the country for fifteen years of civil war, ... Now the invasion by post-Christian totalitarian culture had brought another three years of martyrdom. On the Nationalist side, 90,000 had been killed in action; 110, 000 Republican soldiers were dead; there were a million cripples; 10,000 died in air-raids, 25,000 from malnutrition, 130,000 murdered or shot behind the lines [to bleed with a long wound]; now 500,000 were in exile, half never to return. The destruction of treasure had been immense, ranging from the famous library of Cuenca Cathedral to Goya’s earliest paintings in his birth-place, Fuentodos [Devastating all].» (Johnson, 1991, p.339).

: = « T. de guerre, troupes, forces militaires (Term of war, troops, military forces).» (Godefroy).

To bleed with a long wound. Passing troops beyond the high mountains
: « ... the long wound of the Spanish Civil War raged over the mountainous Spanish countryside... » (Hogue, 1997, p.262).

Passing troops beyond the high mountains
: “The one of the greatest” as a subject rules over the following predicatives: fuira (shall escape), passant (passing), devastant (devastating) and regner (shall reign). As the victor in the Civil War, General Franco and the Nationalists took all the territories full of high mountains of Spain in the end. They began to occupy the Canary Islands, Morocco, Cadiz, Huelva, Seville, Granada, Cordoba, Caceres, Saramanca, Avila, Segovia, Zamora, Valladolid, Saragossa, Teruel, Huesca, Pamplona, Vitoria, Burgos, Mallorca and Ibiza, while the Government remained in control of Madrid, Barcelona, Bilbao, San Sebastian, Gijon, Valencia, Alicante, Cartagena, Badajoz and Albacete (cf. Middleton and Heater, 1989, Unit 15, Chart 1).

14 August 1936. The Republican city of Badajoz in the valley of the Guadiana was taken by a Nationalist force of Lieutenant Colonel Juan Yagüe under General Franco’s instructions coming from Seville beyond the mountains of Sierra Morena (cf. Duby, p.127, Chart
C; Grant, 2011, p.783).

13 September 1936. San Sebastian was occupied by the Nationalist soldiers passing the Basque mountains (cf. Duby, p.127, Chart

3° 27 September 1936. Colonel José Moscardó, the military governor of Toledo, a town itself situated on the rock 530 meters above sea level, commanding around 1,000 Nationalist soldiers defended the Alcázar against a Republican attack that lasted for around seventy days. The Nationalist resistance held out against heavy bombing and artillery fire until the Army of Africa, commanded by General Franco, arrived passing the mountains of Sierra Morena, Guadalupe and Meseta (Table mountains) of Toledo to provide relief and defeat the Republicans. (cf. Duby, id.; Grant, id., p.782).

17 October 1936. Oviedo in Asturias was occupied by the Nationalists passing the mountains of Leon (cf. Duby, id.).

8-23 November 1936. Around 20,000 Nationalist soldiers from the mountains of Sierra Morena, Guadalupe and Gredos under the command of General José Varela attacked in vain Madrid by the delay of their offensive owing to Franco’s decision to liberate first the Alcazar of Toledo. (cf. Duby, id.; Grant, id., p.784).

In the summer of 1937. The Basque countries were crushed by the Nationalist force passing the mountains in Cantabria (cf. Duby, p.127, Chart

15 April 1938. The Nationalist force passing the mountains of Gudar in Aragon attained the city of Vinaroz on the Mediterranean to split in two the Republican territories (cf. Duby, p.127, Chart

23 December 1938 – February 1939. Catalonia was entirely conquered by the Nationalist force, whose some contingents past the Catalan mountains of Guara and Cadi (cf. Duby, p.127, Chart

And next shall reign in peace: « Franco was determined to keep out of war, which he saw as the supreme evil, and especially a war waged by Hitler in association with Stalin, which he felt incarnated all the evils of the century. He declared strict neutrality in September 1939. He advised Mussolini to keep out too. As the price for entering the war he pitched his demands impossibly high: Oran, the whole of Morocco, huge territories in West Africa, massive quantities of war supplies and equipment to attack Gibraltar and defend the Canaries. When he met Hitler at Hendaye on 23 October 1940 he not only increased these demands but greeted his German benefactor with icy coldness verging on contempt. As he was himself a professional soldier, and Hitler an amateur – not even a gentleman, a corporal! – he treated Hitler’s customary military tour d’horizon with unconcealed contempt. They talked, wrote Hitler’s interpreter Paul Schmidt, ‘to or rather at one another’ until two in the morning and failed to agree on anything whatever. Hitler later told Mussolini he would rather have two or three teeth out than go through that again.» (Johnson, 1991, p.366);

« When Franco [1892-1975] handed over his authority in summer 1974 to Juan Carlos (crowned King in November 1975 immediately after Franco’s death), he had held effective power for thirty-eight years, an achievement even Philip II might have respected. He was probably right in thinking that a Republican victory would have produced another civil war and that his regime was the one ‘which divides us least’, for there were two bitterly divided monarchical factions, a fascist and a traditional conservative faction as well as the mortal enmity between the
CP and other Republicans. In October 1944, after the liberation of France, 2,000 republicans ‘invaded’ across the Pyrenees, expecting a general insurrection: nothing happened. A Republican government was formed in 26 August 1945: a non-event. The Allies would not act against Franco because they would not want civil war in Spain. To please them he gave up the fascist salute (which he had never liked) but would not ban the Falange, much as he deplored its posturings, because it was a safety-valve for the extremist Right, and controllable. In essence Franco was a non-political figure, who ruled through men acceptable to the Church, the landed classes and business. That was what the army wanted and the army had a veto on policy which long antedated Franco. Franco, like the army, was a negative force. He kept the state immobile and unadventurous; he prevented professional politicians from doing things. He described himself dourly to senior army officers as ‘the sentry who is never relieved, the man who receives the unwelcome telegrams and dictates the answers, the man who watches while others sleep.’ If he had been a younger man he might have devised a plebiscitary framework. As it was, on 6 July 1947 he submitted a ‘Law of Succession’, embodying the monarchical principle, to a vote. Out of an electorate of nearly 17,200,000, 15,200,000 cast their votes and 14,145,163 voted ‘Yes’, under conditions which observers testified to be fair. With that out of the way Franco educated and coached Juan Carlos as his successor. In the meantime, within the framework of negative government, the economy modernized itself with the help of market forces. In the twenty years 1950-70, Spain was transformed. Those living in towns over 20,000 rose from 30 per cent to nearly 50 per cent of the population. Illiteracy dropped from 19 to 9 per cent in thirty years, and in a mere fifteen years the student population doubled. Spain was in some ways more successful in modernizing its backward south than Italy. Physically and visually the landscape of Andalusia was transformed in the quarter-century 1950-75, and the rapidly falling rural population benefited more, in terms of real wages, than the industrial workers of the swelling towns. But the important change was in expectation: surveys showed that workers could expect much better jobs, in pay and prestige, than their fathers; that a man had higher expectations at forty than at twenty. The old hopelessness of Spain, the source of its sullen misery and occasionally of its frantic violence, had gone. During the 1950s and 1960s, in effect, Spain became part of the general modern European economy, sharing its successes and failures and its overall prosperity: the Pyrenees ceased to be a cultural-economic wall.» (id., p.608-609).
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2018. All rights reserved. 


Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 218 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§948).

Latest journals