§901 The Prague Spring failed (1968) after the Hungarian Uprising had failed (1956): VIII-15.

VIII-15 (§901):

Toward the North the great efforts by the villain
Shall vex almost all Europe and the world,
He shall chase so hard the two eclipses,
And strengthen again the whole life with the Pannonians.

(Vers Aquilon grands efforts par hommasse
Presque l'Europe & l'univers vexer,
Les deux eclypses mettra en telle chasse,
Et aux Pannons vie & mort renforcer.)

NOTES: Vers Aquilon (Toward the North): « The words “Vers Aquilon” show that it matters a country neighboring Russia. The anagram of these two words teaches us sufficiently clearly what country is in question:
     VERS AQUILON = N. R. SLOVAQUIE
“N. R.” are the habitual initials of “People’s Republic” in Slavonian (Norodnaia Republika).» (Ionescu, 1976, p.651). On the other hand, the French phrase ‘vers Aquilon’ together with the French verb ‘tendre (to stretch)’ will signify ‘to aim at Aquilon’ (cf. §868, II-91).

Les deux eclypses mettra en telle chasse, Et aux Pannons vie & mort renforcer (They shall chase so hard the two eclipses, And strengthen again the whole life with the Pannonians): « This quatrain alludes, however, not only to the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, but also to that in Hungary. The third line mentions the “two eclipses.” The quatrain mentions in conclusion the efforts made by the Kremlin to maintain its domination in this area indicated in the last line by “aux Pannons (with the Pannonians)” (Pannonia extended between the Oriental Alps and the Carpathians), the region which comprehended Hungary and Czechoslovakia and where, after the death of Stalin, the authority of Moscow had begun to “be in eclipse (s’éclipser)”.» (Ionescu, id.).

Hommasse: = A vile man, a villain = General Secretary of the CPSU, Leonid Brezhnev; « hommasse „männisch (like a man)‟ 15th century, is derived, together with the pejorative -asse- borrowed from the Italian suffix -accio-, from homme (a man).» (Gamillscheg); « -ASSE. An element of a word, serving to form nouns and adjectives with a pejorative meaning.» (Petit Robert). Although the word hommasse may have a meaning of « Femme tirée de l’homme; Femme virile (a woman taken out of a man; a manly woman) » (Huguet), which Ionescu follows according to his biased hectic conception of the Communism as a prostituting woman (this uniquely moral identification of his is not literally founded upon the genuinely analyzed texts of Nostradamus nor congruent with the true negative character of the Communism as a proletarian dictatorial power) originating from his personal experience of a satanic communism in his youth in Rumania (cf. Ionescu, 1976, p.651; 1993, p.18-24), it will be well understood here as a man to be despised (a villain) from the viewpoint of the Western Democracy in front of the Inhuman Communism.

Les deux eclypses mettra en telle chasse: = [L’hommasse] mettra les deux eclypses en telle chasse (The villain shall chase so hard the two eclipses), the two eclipses being the Hungarian reformist Imre Nagy and the Czech Dubček.

Vie & mort (Life and death): = the whole life, death delimiting the life in its entirety, and the whole life of the people in the Communist countries are under surveillance and restriction by the government under the Party.

Vie & mort renforcer (strengthen again the whole life): The hard line regime replacing the moderate one shall come back in Hungary and in Czechoslovakia.

« Czechoslovakia Communist rule (1945-90) The first break with the country’s prewar tradition of liberalism and toleration came in June 1945, when it became the first Eastern European country outside Nazi Germany and the USSR to carry out ‘ethnic cleansing’, expelling the German and Hungarian minorities from the country. In the elections of May 1946, the Communist Party under Gottwald became the largest party, with 38 per cent of the vote. Amidst signs of Communist decline afterwards, Gottwald staged a coup in February 1948, and established a Communist one-party state. This was accelerated through a series of Stalinist purges, culminating in the Slánski trial [in 1952]. The country had thus come into the fold of Moscow, and adhered to the extremes of Stalinism even after Stalin’s death. Human rights violation by the state and a dependent judiciary continued, while the economy, which had suffered comparatively little damage during the war, was disastrously mismanaged, leading to an economic crisis in the early 1960s. Growing unrest and protests led to the appointment of the reform-minded Dubček [one of the eclipses] as First Party Secretary in January 1968. However, his attempts to strengthen Communism through political and economic liberalization went further than other Communist leaders such as Ulbricht and Brezhnev [the villain] were willing to allow, thus threatening the status quo in Eastern Europe. The period of reform called Prague Spring was violently ended on 20 August 1968, when the Warsaw Pact troops arrived in Czechoslovakia and entered Prague.» (Palmowski, p.175).

« Prague Spring (Jan.-Aug. 1968) Dubček proposed to end unfair trials, and released or pardoned all those unfairly convicted in political trials. Press censorship ceased in March, travel restrictions eased, and elections to posts within the Communist Party were to become secret… Most crucially, despite his care to cultivate good relations with Moscow, he completely underestimated the challenge his reforms presented to his neighbours. The Communist Parties of East Germany and Poland had their own problems of legitimacy. Their leadership understood clearly that reforms inspired by the Czech model could well result in the collapse of their Communist systems. Brezhnev [the villain] refused to contemplate the danger of a collapse within the Warsaw Pact. On 20 August 1968 Soviet troops, aided by other Warsaw Pact members entered the country without resistance from the Czechoslovak army or the population. The Prague Spring was over, and Husák headed a new hardline regime which was to rule the country for another two decades.» (Palmowski, p.555).

« Limits would always be imposed by the Soviet Union to any qualification of the old monolithic front of communism. Such limits were brutally evident in 1968, when the communist government of Czechoslovakia set about liberalizing its internal structures and developing trade relations with West Germany. Tis was very striking: the impetus for change was coming not from outside the Party but from its members themselves (as in Hungary, twelve years earlier) [the two eclipses]. After a series of threats and attempts to persuade the Czechs to come to heel, Prague was occupied in August by Warsaw Pact forces. To avoid a repetition of the 1956 bloodshed, the Czech government did not resist. A brief attempt to provide an example of a socialism that had not lost its human face, as the secretary of the Czech communist party put it, was obliterated. There followed, in a speech to a Polish audience in November 1968 by the general secretary of the CPSU, Leonid Brezhnev [the villain], a warning of the danger of ‘imperialist’ efforts to undermine socialist solidarity and the blunt assertion that any threat to the cause of socialism in one country was the concern of them all and might probably give rise to military ‘assistance’ from other communist countries to meet it. This was the formulation of what came to be called the ‘Brezhnev’ doctrine, henceforth a datum of international affairs, and something of an indicator of the degree to which Moscow no longer felt sure of its satellites. Even those who governed them on the most Stalinist lines (for example, Ceausescu, the dictator of Romania) were capable of showing a measure of independence in defence of their countries’ national interests. By 1968, the rulers of the USSR must long since have given up any hope of revolution in Europe west of the Iron Curtain. They had been obliged to face the virtual eclipse of communism as a revolutionary force within the western democracies in the 1960s as the power of communist parties to win votes declined, above all in France and Italy.» (Roberts, 1999, p.651-652).

« Warsaw Pact troops enter Czechoslovakia to end the Prague Spring 1968 On the night of 20 August 1968, somewhere between 200,000 and 600,000 Warsaw Pact troops marched into Czechoslovakia [Toward the North the great efforts by the villain]. The next morning, tanks were rolling through the streets of Prague. They met with little violent opposition, but over 70 people were killed and hundreds injured as troops sought out ‘antisocialist’ elements with batons and guns. At first many Czech people tried to talk to the troops to persuade them to leave, but then they realized that the Soviet media was using the images of the conversations as evidence that the people welcomed the troops. A few riots broke out and walls were daubed with anti-Soviet graffiti. Dissidents and artists were arrested, and protests went underground. As censorship of the press returned with a vengeance, it became clear that the country’s brief flirtation with reform was over… Thirty years on, Czech President Vaclav Havel, who in 1968 was a young playwright and in 1989 led the Velvet Revolution that finally ousted the communists, said the Prague Spring was ‘a beautiful time because after twenty years it was possible to breathe and speak freely’. Yet he also said it was not a libertarian revolution but simply a conflict between two groups of communists that ‘revealed the totalitarian nature of that system’. In the 1990s, the Russians revealed a letter of invitation from members of the Czech Communist Party who were planning a coup, inviting them to intervene against the ‘antisocialist’ elements threatening Czechoslovakia’s stability. Later that year, Russian politician Leonid Brezhnev claimed for Russia in the Brezhnev Doctrine the right to violate the sovereignty of any country [the villain shall vex almost all Europe and the world] trying to replace communism with capitalism.» (Cheshire and Farndon, 2009, p.324-325).
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