§ 627. Roman republic, Independent Belgium, Spanish civil war

19th century:
§627. Roman republic, Independent Belgium, Spanish civil war (1830-1849): III-17.

The mount Aventine shall be seen to burn at night:
The heaven obscure all of a sudden in Flanders,
When the monarch shall chase her nephew:
Their men of Church shall give rise to scandal.

(Mont Aventine brusler nuit sera veu:
Le ciel obscur tout à un coup en Flandres,
Quand le monarque chassera son nepveu:
Leurs gens d'Eglise commetront les escandres.)

Keys to the reading:
The mount Aventine: One of the seven hills in Rome, representing the refuge of the liberal Romans in antiquity (Torné-Chavigny, 1861, p.202). But, there is no specific reason for identifying it with the liberalism in France as Toné-Chavigny did (id., p.266). It is of course Roman liberalism with no more specific mention. On the contrary, the example of V-57: Istra du mont Gaulsier & Aventin, with its partner le mont Gaulsier (= Montgolsier = the Montgolfier brothers, French inventors of hot-air balloon), indicates French liberalism as Toné-Chavigny did (id., p.202). And the other example of IX-2 refers to Italian liberalism with Italian place-names;

Their men of Church: The personal pronoun their referring to the monarch and her nephew of the 3rd verse, their men of Church are to be Spaniards. Then, its identification with the church in Italy of M. Luni (1998, p.157) is to be rejected.

The mount Aventine shall be seen to burn at night: « Revolt against the pope; Rome a Republic. In the papal states, the enthusiasm for the pope declined when he did not satisfy the exaggerated demands quickly and completely enough and when he earnestly rejected the desired declaration of war against Austria as incompatible with his position and religious dignity. Even the expulsion of the Jesuits, who were oppressed and threatened in all the Italian states, and the maintenance of a constitution as the "fundamental principle for the worldly rule of the papal state," did not succeed in winning back his former popularity. The celebrated allocution in a consistory of cardinals, with the determined declaration that he would not wage war with Austria, was generally interpreted as the beginning of a reactionary change. What was the position, then, of the Roman troops and volunteers under the able general Durand which the liberal government had sent to join the army of fighters for independence across the Po? They were looked upon as rebels until Pius himself placed them under the protection of Charles Albert.

« The allocution was the first backward step from the flag of national uprisal. Pius IX, therefore, soon became as much an object of hatred and enmity on the part of the patriots as he had before been their idol. In vain did he nominate the liberal champion Mamiani as president of the ministry, a position which as yet only clericals had held, and the historian Farini as under secretary of state; the feeling that the head of the church had been faithless to the national cause alienated the hearts of the Roman people more and more. He also had to endure the mortification of having his peace proposals rejected by Austria, proud over her new successes at arms. The reactionary coup d'état in Naples was regarded as the direct result of the allocution, and influenced the popular passions more and more against spiritual rule.

« The clever Italian Rossi of Carrara, who had once taught law in Geneva, and had then occupied an influential position in Paris with Louis Philippe and Guizot, and had executed important diplomatic missions, was called by Pius IX to form a constitutional ministry, in order more tightly to seize the reins of government which threatened to slip out of the weak hands of the princes of the church. But, by his energetic measures against the increasing anarchy, Rossi so drew upon himself the hatred of the Roman democrats that at the opening of the chambers he was murdered on the steps of the senate on the very spot upon which Cæsar once fell.

« Thereupon the unrestrained populace, led by the democratically inclined Charles Lucien Bonaparte, surrounded the Quirinal and forced the pope, through threats, to name a radical ministry, in which the advocate Galletti and the old democrat Sterbini had the greatest influence, next to Mamiani who had been recalled. From that time law and order disappeared from the holy city. The chamber of deputies was without power, and became so weakened by the withdrawal of many members that it was scarcely competent to form legal resolutions; the democratic popular club, together with the rude mob of Trastevere, controlled matters. Many cardinals withdrew; Pius IX was guarded like a prisoner.

« Enraged at these acts and threatened as to his safety, the pope finally fled to Gaeta, in disguise, aided by the Bavarian ambassador Count Spaur. Here he formed a new ministry and entered a protest against all proceedings in Rome. This move procured at first the most complete victory for the republican party in the Tiberian city. A new constitutional assembly was summoned, which in its first sitting deprived the papacy of its worldly authority, established the Roman republic, and resolved to work for the union of Italy under a democratic-republican form of rule. A threat of excommunication from the pope was met with scorn by the popular union. A provisory government under the direction of three men undertook the administration of the free state, while the constitutional assembly laid hands on the church lands in order to form small farms out of them for the poor, and Garibaldi organised a considerable militia out of insurrectionary volunteers and democrats.

« Garibaldi of Nice (born July 4th, 1807) was a bold insurrectionary leader who had wandered about in America and elsewhere as a political refugee for a long time, and who, on his return to his native country, had taken an active part in the struggle of the Piedmontese and Lombards against Austria. The unfortunate outcome of the renewed war in upper Italy, which had brought a large number of refugees to Rome, and the arrival of Mazzini, who for so long had been the active head of the "young Italy" party and the soul of the democratic propaganda, increased the revolutionary excitement in Rome. The union of revolutionary forces determined the powers protecting the papal states, whose help the pope had summoned, to common action and armed intervention.» (HH, IX, p.595-597)

« The French restore the pope. While the Austrians after severe battles took possession of Bologna and Ancona, the Neapolitans from the south entered Roman territory, and a French army under General Oudinot, the son of the marshal, landed in Civita Vecchia and surrounded Rome, which was in a state of intense excitement. It was in vain that the French declared they came as friends, to protect order and legal liberty, to prevent Austrians and Neapolitans from occupying the papal state and its capital, and to forestall a counter revolution in favour of a reactionary and clerical movement; the democrats rejected the proffered hand of peace and propitiation, and prepared an obstinate opposition to the attacking enemy. The first assault of the French failed. May 2nd, 1849. After a brave fight against the insurgents, who were well placed and well armed, Oudinot, with severe losses, had to retreat to the sea and await reinforcements. In order to separate their opponents the triumvirs then entered into negotiations with the French general and decided on an eight days' truce, which Garibaldi made good use of to attack the Neapolitan troops near Velletri and drive them back over the border (May 19th). Oudinot now began a new attack. But this time also they met with determined resistance at the Pancrazio gate and in other places that they did not finally gain possession of the city, under treaty, until after weeks of sanguinary fighting (July 3rd). The barricades were at once cleared, the provisory government dissolved, and a foreign military rule established.

« Garibaldi with his faithful followers climbed over the Apennines and after a thousand dangers and adventures escaped in a little boat to Genoa and from there to America. Of his companions the greater part fell into the hands of the Austrians; some of them were shot, others imprisoned in Mantua. Mazzini escaped to Switzerland, and when he was driven out from thence went to England where he continued his agitations. Pope Pius remained for a long time in his voluntary exile, and persevered in his anger towards the ungrateful city. Not until April, 1850, did he return. Quiet was preserved in Rome by a French garrison; only the bands of robbers who roamed through the country under desperate leaders bore testimony to the deep decay of social organisation, and to the impotency of the government.» (HH, IX, p.597-598)

The heaven obscure all of a sudden in Flanders: « The influences of the French Revolution of 1830 were first felt in the adjoining country of Belgium. For the last decade no little inflammable material had collected there, and an explosion had long been prophesied. In order to have a stronger bulwark against the encroachments of France in the north, the congress of Vienna had decreed that southern Belgium should be united with northern Holland as an increase of territory under the house of Orange. In this way the hegemony of Holland was recognised, while Belgium was viewed as a sort of tributary province and treated accordingly; this, in spite of the fact that two-thirds of the population belonged to Belgium and only one-third to Holland. For more than two centuries each of these two countries had been independent of the other, with the exception of a few years under the Napoleonic rule. Belgium remained first under Spanish, later under Austrian dominion; Holland, while yet a young republic, rose to a maritime power of the first rank and ruled over an enormous colonial territory. In the humanities and the art of painting she had been the rival of Germany and Italy. These grievances might have been settled in the states-general. But here also the Belgians were at a disadvantage; for, in spite of their large majority of population, they had no more delegates than the Hollanders — fifty-five for each state. While the Dutch delegates stood like a solid phalanx, the Belgians, not being so united, and some of them having been drawn to the side of the government, could accomplish nothing. Another cause for disagreement between the two states was their material interests, although the king from self-interest did all he could to further industrial enterprises. Belgium was made to share the enormous debt of Holland, and was burdened with imaccustomed taxes (for instance on bread and meat) in order to discharge it. This last-named tax exasperated the populace in the highest degree, and in consequence the opposition succeeded in 1829 in electing delegates to the states-general, who were nearly all liberals. The king on his journey through the Belgian cities, where he was joyfully welcomed, allowed himself to be deceived as to the real sentiment of the country. At the reception of the civic authorities in Liège he declared that he knew now what to think of the ostensible grievances, and that he saw in them only the designs of a few who had their own separate interests to advance - " such behaviour was simply infamous ! " At once an order was formed in Flanders, the home of the clericals, whose members wore a medal with the inscription " Fidèles jusqu'à l'infamie ". The excitement was heightened by a message to the states-general of December 11th, 1829, which clearly betrayed the absolutism of the king, and by a circular of the minister of justice, Van Maanen, and the minister of the interior to all their subordinates, ordering them to give at once a formal declaration of their assent to the principles of the message. The Dutch were jubilant over the blow which had been struck against the Belgians. The latter in the press protested against the manifesto of despotism against liberty, and placed Van Maanen, the soul of the ministry, on a par with Polignac. There were even then hints of a separation of Belgium from Holland and a separate constitution and administration of the country. What did it avail that the government, in order to curry favour with the Belgian opposition, now made a few concessions in regard to the grievances of the language and the press, and abolished the college of Louvain! Its true character had been only too clearly shown and been made more unpopular than before by its dismissal of officials and punishment of authors; among the latter was De Potter, who had suggested the formation of a confederacy in order that all the members thereof might be secure from all violent measures. He was arrested and sentenced, in April, 1830, to eight years of exile. Hardly arrived in Aix-la-Chapelle on his journey to Lausanne, he was informed of the events of the July week in Paris, went to France, and, settling in Paris, put himself into communication with his friends in Brussels.» (HH, XIV, p.48-50)

« The desire to rid Belgium of an anti-national government, after the example of France, was very obvious, and it was hoped that the July monarchy and the enthusiasm of the French people might be depended upon. De Potter's most intimate friend, Gendebien, went to Paris, in order to arrange for a union of his native country with France and to offer a Belgian contingent in the contest for the Rhine boundaries. But Louis Philippe had no desire to risk the throne he had just mounted by a war of conquest, and refused the offer. Thereupon Gendebien and his friends tried to arouse popular demonstration in order to force France to occupy Belgium, in case Prussia should aid Holland. They were quite open in their undertaking, even going so far as to advertise by posters: " Monday, fireworks; Tuesday, illumination; Wednesday, revolution! "

« Meanwhile what course did the officials pursue in order to calm the excitement? On August 25th, 1830, they permitted the presentation at Brussels of the opera La Muette de Portici - which glorifies tne rebellion of the Neapolitans against Spanish rule, led by the fisherman Masaniello. Every allusion to domestic affairs was applauded to the echo; and in the streets outside, crowds of the lower classes shouted, " Hurrah for De Potter, down with Van Maanen! "

« At the close of the opera the crowds attacked the residences of the ministerial editor Libri and of Van Maanen. One was totally wrecked, the other burned to the ground. During the night all shops where weapons were for sale were plundered; the work of destruction was continued on the 26th, the tricolour of Brabant raised on the city hall, and the royal arms demolished. On the increase of this rioting among the lowest classes the citizens arose, formed a civic guard, suppressed the anarchy, arranged for a meeting of the most prominent men on the 28th of August, and decided to send a deputation to the king asking him to change the prevailing system of government, to dismiss his cabinet, and to call at once a meeting of the states-general.

« The uprising spread quickly over the whole country, was successful everywhere, and only a very few fortresses were able to withstand it. But the king, like Charles and Polignac, had no idea of making concessions, until Belgium should be subdued once more. He sent his eldest son, the prince of Orange, to Brussels, to study the real state of affairs; and his second son, Prince Frederick, to Antwerp, to raise troops. At the same time he called the states-general to the Hague for an extraordinary session on September 13th. His plan was to prolong the situation in this way and occupy Brussels in the meantime. He declared to the deputation that he could not be driven by force to dismiss Van Maanen.» (HH, XIV, p.50-51)

« The situation was made worse by the attitude of the Dutch. They were more royal than the king himself, and thus urged on the quarrel between the two nationalities. In the Dutch papers it was said that rebel blood was not fraternal blood; the time for negotiations had passed: therefore, " War to rebels and assassins! " The states-general opened on September 13th. The speech from the throne was very indefinite about the separation of Belgium and Holland. The Dutch delegates had nothing but force of arms to suggest. Although it had been possible before the opening of the states-general to establish on September 11th a committe of safety, for the preservation of the dynasty and public order," totally different forces assumed control on receipt of the news from the Hague. Hordes of revolutionists and unemployed labourers came from the other cities of Belgium and from Paris, resolved to fight out the old quarrel in the streets of Brussels. On the 20th of September they took possession of the city hall, disarmed the citizen guard, drove out the committee of safety, and restored to the populace the power which had passed from them to the citizens on August 27th. Even the Belgian representatives now implored the king to employ force of arms against this dominion of the working class. Prince Frederick was commanded to advance from Vilvorde against Brussels. He issued a proclamation in which he promised general amnesty, but threatened " the ringleaders of these much too criminal actions " with heavy punishment. He appeared on September 23rd before Brussels with 10,300 troops and twenty-six cannon, achieved a few trifling advantages in the beginning, entered the city, but encountered such serious obstacles in the barricades and the firing from the houses that he withdrew to the park. On the 26th, as his greatly fatigued troops were being surrounded and attacked on all sides, and as ammunition was giving out also, he was forced to retreat to Vilvorde. Among those who led the arrangements for defence in these strenuous days may be especially mentioned the brave sub-lieutenant Pletinckx and the Spaniard Juan van Halen.

« The object of the revolution was decided with this battle, at the cost of much bloodshed. The idea of a personal union did not suffice, the dynasty of Orange was no longer possible; only a complete severance of Belgium from Holland, only the establishment of an independent state could now satisfy the Belgian people, whether of high or low degree. The provisional government, in which a seat was given to De Potter, who returned on September 20th, laboured with this end in view. With the news of the victory, victory itself spread all over Belgium; the Dutch garrisons and officials were driven out. The Belgian troops, relieved of their oath by the provisional government, went over to the people, only the cities of Luxemburg, Venlo, Maestricht, and Antwerp remaining in the power of the Dutch. The Dutch government now yielded at last. The states-general on September 28th declared in favour of a separate administration of Belgium; the king gave his sanction on October 4th, and sent the prince of Orange to Antwerp. The latter announced the separation of the two countries, proclaimed liberty of education and unconditional amnesty, and even offered to place himself at the head of the movement and acknowledge the resolutions of the Belgian congress. As his father, however, disapproved of these arbitrary measures, at the same time seeking to arouse civil war in Belgium, the son was also regarded with suspicion, and his proposals were rejected; whereupon he went to London, where the delegates of the great powers were just then assembling for a conference. Not long after this, about eight thousand volunteers under the French general Mellinet advanced upon Antwerp. Two officers who had distinguished themselves in the park combats, Niellon and Kessels, were assigned to him as commanders; the former had lately been the director of a children's theatre, the latter had travelled about the country exhibiting the skeleton of a whale. Fortune favoured them in the theatre of war also. The Dutch troops were driven out of the city of Antwerp, and General Chassé was obliged to withdraw into the citadel. From here, when the Belgians were preparing to attack him, he bombarded the city with all his batteries for several hours, destroying more than two hundred houses and setting fire to merchandise to the value of several millions. Venlo also fell into the hands of the Belgians; so that now only Maestricht, Luxemburg, and the citadel of Antwerp were in the power of the Dutch.

« The independence of Belgium was already an established fact. The truce proposed by the London conference and the boundary line as it existed before the union of the two states were accepted by the provisional government, and the national congress convened on November 10th decreed the perpetual exclusion of the house of Orange. The political constellations were favourable to the Belgians; since, of the Eastern powers usually so eager to intervene, Russia was wholly occupied with the suppression of the Polish revolution, and Austria had to keep watch on Italy. From the Western powers, moreover, there was nothing to fear; a more liberal tendency prevailed in England since the fall of Wellington, and Louis Philippe was so little able to proceed against Belgium that he declared, on the contrary, that he would brook no intervention there. Thus the Belgians became masters in their own house. On the question of the future form of government, De Potter, who had republican views, withdrew from the majority and retired into private life. The congress declared itself in favour of a constitutional monarchy by 174 votes; only thirteen were in favour of a republic. On February 13th the constitution, based on the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a senate and house of representatives, was unanimously adopted by the congress. The crown was first offered to the second son of Louis Philippe, the count of Nemours. His father, rightly foreseeing that the other powers would never consent to such an aggrandisement of French influence, declined the offer, and now the duke of Leuchtenberg, a son of the former viceroy Eugène seemed to have the best prospects. But this grandson of Napoleon was such an unwelcome neighbour to Louis Philippe that he strained every nerve to defeat his election, and withdrew his objections to the choice of his son. On February 13th, the duke de Nemours was elected king by a small majority. But Louis Philippe for the second time declined the Belgian crown. His principal object had been attained by the defeat of the Leuchtenberg prince, and he knew that the London conference had decided against his son. A new choice was necessary, and it could not have been a better one. It fell, on June 4th, upon Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who had brilliantly distinguished himself in the wars for freedom.» (HH, XIV, p.52-54)

When the monarch shall chase her nephew: « Ferdinand VII of Spain. Ferdinand felt himself too strongly ruled by the absolutist faction and he feared moreover the projects the latter seemed to be forming in connection with his brother, the infante Don Carlos, for whom they hoped for a more complete devotion. Ferdinand appeared equally indifferent or undecided in regard to the members of his family. On March 29th, 1830, when his young wife Maria Christina of Naples was pregnant, he issued a "pragmatic sanction" proclaiming as a law of the state a resolution of King Charles IV, made in accord with a demand of the cortes of 1789, abolishing the Salic law instituted in 1713 by Philip V, and thus re-established the right of women to inherit the throne of Spain; but he afterwards showed no predilection for the young princess Maria Isabella Louisa, who was born in July of the same year. Again he assembled the most devoted partisans of his brother Don Carlos about his throne, and when an attack of the gout brought him to the edge of the tomb in September, 1832, he signed a decree revoking the new law of succession. Then, returned to life again, he placed the infante Don Carlos at a distance, drove away the ministers who had wrung the fatal signature from his feeble hand and denounced their odious manneuvres; and as though to protect himself against new obsessions he placed the government in the hands of the queen, his wife, until his health should be restored. He let her publish decrees of amnesty for political criminals, take measures to destroy the existence of the voluntary royalists, reduce the privileges of the council of Castile; then, for fear of seeing her advance too rapidly in the way of reforms, he had her announce in a manifesto of December that he did not intend to introduce the slightest innovation into the constitutional laws of the monarchy, nor to change anything that was established. On January 4th, 1833, he announced that, as his health was sufficiently recovered, he had reassumed the reins of government. The day before, so that they might receive full authenticity, the queen placed in the archives the act of the cortes of 1789 and the revolution of Charles IV in regard to the abolition of the Salic law. In spite of his antipathy towards innovators Ferdinand felt that it was necessary to constitute a political force around the cradle of his daughter.» (HH, X, p.393-395)

« Rise of Carlism. Though Ferdinand while alive had been accumulating legal acts in favour of direct descent, he had attached more and more importance to obtaining the acquiescence of his brother Don Carlos in his sovereign will. He had sent a royal order asking when he thought of recognising the already proclaimed heiress. Don Carlos, not to be behindhand, profited by this to take up a definite position as claimant in the eyes of the public. He wrote his brotner a letter which he hastened to make public, in which these words were found:

You ask whether or not I intend recognising your daughter as princess of the Asturias ? My conscience and honour will not permit this. My rights to the crown, if I survive you, or you leave no male posterity, are so legitimate that I need not enumerate them. These rights were given by God when he willed my birth, and he alone can take them away by granting you a son, an event that I desire perhaps even more than you. Moreover, I am defending the rights of all those who come after me. Thus I find myself obliged to send you the enclosed declaration, of which I send a formal copy to you and other sovereigns, to whom I hope you will communicate it.
Adieu, very dear brother of my heart. I am always yours, always yours lovingly, and you are ever present in the prayers of your most affectionate brother,

The declaration was thus worded :

I, Carlos-Maria-Isidoro de Bourbon, infante of Spain, am thoroughly convinced of my legitimate rights to the Spanish throne in case of my surviving you, or your not leaving male issue. I say that my conscience and my honour will not permit me to swear to or recognise any other rights, and this 1 declare.
Your affectionate and faithful servant,
Ramalhao, April 29th, 1833.
Don Carlos, Infante.

In answer to this declaration Ferdinand wrote to his brother saying that, without dreaming of violating his conscience, he nevertheless must forbid his returning to Spain, '' for very serious political reasons and in consideration of the country's laws." He could not, he continued, make the declarations to foreign kings, basing his refusal on the principle that foreign governments ought not to interfere in interior state affairs. The salutations used were always full of an affectionate tenderness that formed a curious contrast to the real purport of the letters.

Don Carlos submitted to the banishment imposed, but had no idea of leaving Portugal, so as soon as an order came to go to Italy, he busied himself with reasons for not doing anything of the kind, not openly refusing that obedience which he had always affected to owe his brother, but inventing a crowd of pretexts for not rendering it. The now published correspondence between the two brothers on this occasion shows, on the infante's part, a series of successive inventions to excuse his stay in Portugal, and from the king a refutation of the vain pretexts advanced, and a constant endeavour to remove obstacles to departure. Ferdinand, at length, left off using a tone of fraternal love and spoke as an annoyed king, desiring his brother to say whether he intended to obey or not. The answer was proud and disdainful. Don Carlos said if he left Portugal, he would have the air of a fugitive who had committed some crime: that he declined to put himself in such a shameful position, and, if really guilty, demanded a trial according to the laws of the realm (July, 1833) From this date Don Carlos led a party quite in opposition to his sovereign, although keeping up an appearance of not stirring up civil war before his brother's death. He began to gather round him in his little court at Ramalhao, then at Mafra and Coimbra, all those who had refused their oath to Princess Isabella. Inflammatory pamphlets went thence in every direction to spread doubt in men's minds as to the legality of Ferdinand's testamentary arrangements. A few active men were already engaged in raising army corps. Baron Los Valles was sent into France and England to convince those two governments of the justness of the claim put forth by the Spanish infante.» (HH, X, p.395-396)

« War of the Christinos and the Carlists. Scarcely had King Ferdinand VII closed his eyes, when the apostolic party in northern Spain, especially in Navarre and the Basque provinces, proclaimed Don Carlos, brother of the king, as King Charles V. In order successfully to oppose the Carlists, who fought for absolutism and priesthood, there was nothing for the regent, Maria Christina, to do but to throw herself into the arms of the liberal party. Thus the seven years' war between Carlists and Christinos grew out of a fight for the throne into a civil war and a battle for principles. The Carlists had the upper hand to start with, owing to the ability of their general, Zumalacarregui, against whom the Christinos could place no equally matched leader. From Portugal, where Don Carlos was residing with his beloved nephew, Don Miguel, this general threatened the frontiers of Spain. Hence Christina turned to England and France, and the Quadruple Alliance of April 22nd, 1834, was concluded between these states and Spain and Portugal, the object of which was to maintain the constitutional throne of Isabella and of Maria da Gloria and to drive out the two pretendants, Carlos and Miguel. Still, in that same year, these two men, who enjoyed the favour of the eastern powers and of the pope to a high degree, were obliged to leave Portugal. Carlos went to England in June, on an English ship, but he escaped again in July, and, after an adventurous journey through France, appeared suddenly in Navarre to reanimate the courage of his followers by his royal presence. The war was carried on with passion and cruelty on both sides. After the death of Zumalacarregui, who lost his life on June 14th, 1835, at the siege of Bilbao, the Christinos, who exceeded in numbers, seemed to have the advantage. But they could accomplish little against the restless Cabrera, who had just received his first ecclesiastical orders, and had gone over into the camp of the pretender. He was a most able guerilla leader. The turning-point came first when the command of the Christino army was intrusted to Espartero. He conquered the Carlists in 1836 in a bloody battle at Luchana, hastened to the relief of the capital when the Carlists advanced to the vicinity of Madrid in 1837, and compelled Carlos to retreat. To these losses was added discord in the camp itself. The pretender, wholly lacking in competence and independence, was the tool of his camarilla, who in the choice of a general paid more attention to a knowledge of the catechism than of the arts of war and displaced the most able leaders to put up their own creatures in their stead. The new general, Guergué, was beaten several times by Espartero in 1838, which gradually cooled the enthusiasm of the northern provinces. He was deposed and the chief command given to the crafty Maroto, who, as an enemy of the camarilla could have maintained himself against their continual attacks only by gaining great victories. Since he could not win these against the superior force of Espartero, he concluded the Treaty of Vergara with him on August 3lst, 1839, according to which he went over to the Christinos with his army and obtained in return an amnesty and the confirmation of the freedom of Basque and Navarre. With this, the cause of Don Carlos was hopelessly lost. The latter went to France in September [1839] with many of his followers, and had to pass six years under police supervision in the city of Bourges. Not until 1845, after he had transferred all his pretensions to his eldest son, the count of Montemolin, did he receive permission to depart, whereupon he betook himself to Italy. He died at Trieste on March 10th, 1855. His followers continued to fight for some time longer in Catalonia under Cabrera. But they also were overpowered by Espartero, and in July, 1840, with a force of about eight thousand men, were obliged to flee to France, where they were kept under supervision. The civil war was now at an end, but the strife continued. Espartero, entitled duke of victory (Vittoria) was the most influential and the most popular personage in Spain, with whom everyone, even the queen-regent, had to reckon.» (HH, X, p.396-398)

Therefore, the monarch ( = the queen-regent, Maria Christina, the word monarch signifying the sole ruler in Greek) shall chase her nephew ( = the count of Montemolin, the eldest son of Don Carlos, her brother-in law ).

Their men of Church shall give rise to scandal: « The reign of terror. A famous society, that of the exterminating Angel, had extended its roots over the whole country under the direction of a former regent, the bishop of Osma, and was moving all the apostolics of the peninsula as by a single mind. It had relations with the principal bishops to whom several owed their offices; its ramifications crept into all the monasteries, and much more violent than its French chapter it preached the extermination of all the liberals. The military commissions set to work with a new activity aided by a mass of regulations whose laconism and hypocrisy were only equalled by their vigour and violence. They had the power of condemning to death all who were guilty of lèse-majesté, that is to say all who declared themselves opposed to the rights of the king or in favour of the constitution. With the help of this ambiguous phrase, any writer who put into print any words in which the rights of Ferdinand were doubted, anyone who in any manner whatever had co-operated in the revolution of 1820-1823; anyone who kept in his house a copy of the constitution, a portrait of Riego, any souvenir whatso-ever of the illustrious exiles living in a foreign country, anyone who by a shout or word, spoken even in drunkenness, showed hatred of tyranny - any of these could be found guilty of lèse-majesté. A decree bearing the date of October 9th, 1824, which through some expiring sentiment of modesty was not inserted in the official gazette, but nevertheless was applied with care, suppressed all of the laws and delivered the lives of all citizens over to those tribunals. A premium was put upon information and a secret police penetrated into every household in order to divine the secret of consciences and to purge Spain of all the liberal element. Not age, sex, virtue, or poverty were protection against these terrible commissions; wealth alone sometimes saved from death. He who had some fortune bought his life with the greatest part of his property. The commission of Madrid, presided over by a fierce brute named Chaperon, who acquired the melancholy honour of giving his name to the whole epoch, surpassed all its rivals in the number of condemnations and severity of sentences. It sent to the scaffold all those in whose homes portraits of Riego were discovered, and to the galleys the women and children who committed the crime of not denouncing their husbands or fathers. More than one well-born woman thrown into infamous prisons with the most odious criminals died of despair in the midst of the unjust abjection to which she saw herself reduced. Chaperon, like all the judges who consented to make themselves the devoted instruments of social hatred, rejoiced in the midst of the terror which his name inspired, and under the general torpor that it created. He assisted at executions in full uniform; they were fête days for him, and on one occasion, anxious to hasten the execution of one of his condemned (it was a national militiaman who had taken part in the defence of Madrid, the 7th of July, against the revolted guards), he pulled, himself, the legs of the poor victim already hanging from the fatal gibbet, and this exploit finished, retired, proud to have exercised the functions of executioner and judge.» (HH, X, p.379-380)

The monarch and his/her nephew are identified with Louis-Philip and the duke of Bordeaux by Torné-Chavigny (1861, p.266), but it is impossible, because the latter is not his nephew, being the son of the duke and duchess of Berry, the last being his niece (cf. §605, X-69).

The monarch and his/her nephew are identified with Ferdinand VII and the count of Montemolin by Luni (1998, p.157), but it is not pertinent, because the final Carlist war took place after the death of Ferdinand VII.
© Koji Nihei Daijyo, 2011. All rights reserved.


Koji Nihei Daijyo

Author:Koji Nihei Daijyo
We have covered 143 quatrains (§588-§730) concerning the World Events in the 19th century after Napoleonic ages [1821-1900] in the Prophecies of Nostradamus, and 218 in the 20th [1901-2000] (§731-§948).

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